姚 正 平

(北京師范大學(xué) 歷史學(xué)院，北京市 100875)

啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)進(jìn)步思潮框架內(nèi)的異端
——評弗格森曲線的歷史進(jìn)步觀

姚 正 平

(北京師范大學(xué) 歷史學(xué)院，北京市 100875)

弗格森在其史著中既肯定了歷史的進(jìn)步，又表現(xiàn)出了大量厚古薄今的觀念，致使眾多學(xué)者對弗格森是否是歷史進(jìn)步論者，展開了激烈的爭論。實(shí)際上，弗格森贊成的是一種曲線型的歷史進(jìn)步。一些學(xué)者將弗格森這種厚古薄今的觀念，歸因于他有特殊的高地情結(jié)。事實(shí)上，這同他的高地背景并沒有特別的聯(lián)系。他的崇古抑今的觀念是因其對美德的重視，而他在考察人類歷史進(jìn)程時(shí)，如此強(qiáng)調(diào)美德的作用，是同他的政治思想、他對歷史的考察和蘇格蘭啟蒙思想家對理性的態(tài)度有密切的聯(lián)系的。但對美德促進(jìn)的歷史進(jìn)步如何成為可能？弗格森并沒有直接給出明確的解釋。

弗格森；曲線；歷史進(jìn)步觀；美德；高地；“野蠻民族”；“現(xiàn)代文明”；《文明社會(huì)史論》

是歷史進(jìn)步論者嗎？這本應(yīng)是一個(gè)很容易回答的問題，因?yàn)樽鳛?8世紀(jì)啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)的著名代表人物，他本應(yīng)像伏爾泰、孔多塞、康德等人一樣明確表達(dá)出對千年福王國終將到來的樂觀與信心，或至少要像他的同胞休謨、斯密、吉本一樣，明確表達(dá)出今勝于古的樂觀與肯定。然而，耐人尋味的是，盡管在其集中討論歷史進(jìn)步論的《文明社會(huì)史論》中，時(shí)常可見弗格森對社會(huì)進(jìn)步的肯定，但他更多地卻是極力歌頌野蠻民族所具有的崇高美德，而對現(xiàn)代商業(yè)文明社會(huì)大加批判，以致于休謨在《論古代國家和人口稠密》中極力嘲諷的厚古薄今論者很可能就包括弗格森[1]。

于是，有關(guān)弗格森是否是歷史進(jìn)步論者的爭論就出現(xiàn)了。歐茲-薩茲伯格(Fania Oz-Salzberger)否定了弗格森是歷史進(jìn)步論者的觀點(diǎn)，她說：“弗格森的歷史是非決定論的，并且是無預(yù)期目的的”，與他的同時(shí)代人伏爾泰、休謨不同，弗格森認(rèn)為高度發(fā)達(dá)的社會(huì)將日益淪為未開化社會(huì)式的專制。不像黑格爾和馬克思，弗格森并沒有描述“人類將按照一條必然的道路，奔向美好的未來”[2]20。萊曼(W. C. Lehmann)更是指出弗格森是歷史循環(huán)論者[3]9。但更多的學(xué)者顯然是不同意這一觀點(diǎn)的。他們?nèi)詫⒏ジ裆瓪w為歷史進(jìn)步論者行列，高夫(J. W. Gough)在其對《文明社會(huì)史論》的書評中較早肯定了弗格森從“野蠻”到“文明”的進(jìn)步史觀[4]。倫德爾(Jane Rendall)則進(jìn)一步發(fā)展了這種觀點(diǎn)，認(rèn)為弗格森并沒有像蘇格蘭啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)中的斯密、穆勒、羅伯遜等人一樣將人類歷史發(fā)展分為四個(gè)階段，而是三個(gè)階段，即野蠻、未開化和文明社會(huì)。同斯密重視社會(huì)物質(zhì)發(fā)展的進(jìn)步史觀不同，弗格森則更熱心評價(jià)每種社會(huì)給人們提供實(shí)現(xiàn)其道德潛能的機(jī)會(huì)[5]。哈姆尼(Ronald Hamowy)也指出，弗格森雖然在其《文明社會(huì)史論》中提到文明社會(huì)美德的喪失以及面臨的腐化危險(xiǎn)，但這種對極端形式進(jìn)步論的否定并不能說明弗格森是否認(rèn)人類的自然進(jìn)步的，弗格森雖然拒絕這種盲目的進(jìn)步論，但他的進(jìn)步觀念在其《文明社會(huì)史論》和其所有道德哲學(xué)著作中隨處可見[3]9。

盡管弗格森在《文明社會(huì)史論》中表現(xiàn)出了很明顯的厚古薄今論調(diào)，但是有關(guān)歷史進(jìn)步的觀點(diǎn)仍在啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)思想的主流框架之內(nèi)，換言之，弗格森仍是一位歷史進(jìn)步論者。不可否認(rèn)，《文明社會(huì)史論》里的確有太多的崇古抑今、借古諷今的言論，他說：“簡而言之，只有根據(jù)這種天性，我們才能說明為何當(dāng)舒適、安全的一方以一種更為富足、更為安全的生活誘惑他逃離饑餓、危險(xiǎn)時(shí)，野人對他漂泊不定、孤立無助的部落還是那么忠貞不渝。正因?yàn)槿绱耍恳粋€(gè)希臘人才會(huì)對祖國懷有真摯的愛，也正因?yàn)槿绱斯帕_馬人才有矢志不渝的愛國熱忱。把這些例子同風(fēng)靡于商業(yè)國家的那種精神作個(gè)比較吧。在這種商業(yè)國家中，人們可能都全面地經(jīng)歷過個(gè)人在保存整個(gè)國家的過程中表現(xiàn)出的自私自利。正是在這一點(diǎn)上，我們有時(shí)會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)人類是一種孤立的、寂寞的生靈：一旦他找到了一個(gè)與他人競爭的目標(biāo)，他就會(huì)為了利益，不惜像對待牲口、對待土地一樣地對待他人?！盵6]21還有一些歷史循環(huán)論調(diào)：“這種現(xiàn)象使我們達(dá)成了這樣一種共識：在社會(huì)發(fā)展過程中，國家會(huì)達(dá)到我們所說的輝煌的巔峰，這是再自然不過的，正如國家會(huì)無法避免地重新歸于弱小，默默無聞也是再自然不過的一樣。青年人和老年人的形象同樣適用于國家。群體像個(gè)人一樣，也有一段生命歷程。它好比一根線，一部分均勻、結(jié)實(shí)，另一部分用久了就松弛了、崩了，這一切都是命中注定的。”[6]230但如果僅憑此就斷定弗格森是否認(rèn)歷史進(jìn)步論的，甚至是歷史循環(huán)論者，那就未免失之片面了。因?yàn)樵凇段拿魃鐣?huì)史論》中，他還多次肯定了歷史進(jìn)步。他說：“對于人類而言，公認(rèn)的缺點(diǎn)在任何情況下都會(huì)令人討厭。無知和愚昧為他人所鄙視，富有洞察力，品行端正則使人出類拔萃，受到尊重。人類對于這一切的感知和理解到底會(huì)將他引向何方呢？毫無疑問是進(jìn)步?！盵6]10他還指出：“自然產(chǎn)物的形成往往是個(gè)漸進(jìn)的過程。植物的生長始于嫩芽，動(dòng)物的成長始于幼畜。后者是活動(dòng)的，其能力與活動(dòng)相長，它們所做的事情取得進(jìn)展的同時(shí)，它們從中獲得的能力也提高了。就人類而言，這種發(fā)展比任何其他動(dòng)物的發(fā)展都強(qiáng)，可以持續(xù)到更高的水平。不僅個(gè)人要從幼嬰階段進(jìn)入成人階段，而且整個(gè)人類也要從野蠻階段進(jìn)入文明階段。”[6]1

這似乎是一個(gè)悖論，是弗格森的進(jìn)步史觀前后抵牾嗎？

二、弗格森曲線的歷史進(jìn)步觀

在《道德政治科學(xué)原理》里，弗格森在描述人類歷史進(jìn)步時(shí)所提到的一段話或許值得我們注意。弗格森指出，人類的進(jìn)步“持續(xù)的靠近永恒的無限的完美”，然而“它可能就像幾何學(xué)家所描述的曲線一樣，雖然不斷的臨近一條直線，但卻永遠(yuǎn)也達(dá)不到”[7]。不難看出，弗格森在向我們展現(xiàn)人類進(jìn)步的美麗圖景。然而，值得注意的是，弗格森并不認(rèn)為人類社會(huì)的進(jìn)步是一帆風(fēng)順的，他贊成的是一條曲線上升的歷史進(jìn)步，而非像主流啟蒙思想家們所肯定的直線進(jìn)步史觀?；蛟S，這種非直線的歷史進(jìn)步觀能有助于解釋弗格森為什么要在其《文明社會(huì)史論》表現(xiàn)出大量的厚古薄今的言論了。

在弗格森看來，人類對大自然賦予的理性的認(rèn)識和運(yùn)用是不斷完善的，正是這種發(fā)展在某種程度上推動(dòng)了人類歷史的進(jìn)步。他說：“兼有理性和動(dòng)物自然的生靈不斷地被創(chuàng)造出來。但動(dòng)物自然注定是要消亡的，可理性自然為何不會(huì)消亡呢？第一點(diǎn)是必然的。若上代不以死亡為下代讓路，那么這個(gè)世界就會(huì)充滿人的軀體。但是，精神的世界卻可以永遠(yuǎn)毫無阻礙地?cái)U(kuò)展。……人的理智自然的進(jìn)步，并不限于人的一生?！盵8]

弗格森還指出人類的“自然天賦或許是一成不變的。而對這個(gè)天賦的運(yùn)用則在不斷變化。多少個(gè)世紀(jì)以來，人們鍥而不舍地努力勞作。他們在前人的基礎(chǔ)上向前邁進(jìn)，經(jīng)年累月后，他們對天賦的運(yùn)用就趨于完善了”[6]5。然而，人類理性運(yùn)用的完善只能保證社會(huì)進(jìn)步中物質(zhì)財(cái)富的不斷積累，而對于人類精神持續(xù)地發(fā)展似乎是無濟(jì)于事的。這種沒有“美德”作為指引的人類的物質(zhì)進(jìn)步必將是危險(xiǎn)的，最終“將我們帶入這樣的一幕，為了增加財(cái)富，人口，人類受到腐敗的侵蝕，無法捍衛(wèi)自己的財(cái)產(chǎn)。最終，他們只好受壓迫，走向毀滅。我們?yōu)榱四軌蚴怪Ω缮L，葉子繁茂，把根切斷了”[6]162。可見，在弗格森看來，人類社會(huì)的進(jìn)步標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，不僅體現(xiàn)在人類理性促進(jìn)的物質(zhì)進(jìn)步，更需要人類始終保持崇高的美德，來指引這種物質(zhì)進(jìn)步朝著正確的方向發(fā)展。而現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)文明在一味追求物質(zhì)財(cái)富的同時(shí)，卻正是日益喪失這種保證人類社會(huì)進(jìn)步避免陷入毀滅的崇高美德。這也就能解釋為什么弗格森會(huì)如此尊崇野蠻社會(huì)的高尚美德，而對現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)文明大加批判之辭了。但弗格森并不認(rèn)為工商業(yè)文明國家會(huì)在這種道德的淪喪中永遠(yuǎn)沉淪下去，相反，他認(rèn)為人類美德和物質(zhì)進(jìn)步可以也必然會(huì)有機(jī)結(jié)合起來，他說：“可能是出于這樣一種觀點(diǎn)，即人的美德是可靠的，一些關(guān)注公益事業(yè)的人們只想到人口的增長，財(cái)富的積累。另外一些人或許是擔(dān)心腐化墮落，只想以如何保持民族美德。人類社會(huì)對這兩者都負(fù)有重大責(zé)任。只是出于謬誤，人們把這兩者對立了起來。”[6]162而他對曲折性的人類進(jìn)步的強(qiáng)調(diào)，說明美德盡管可能會(huì)在人類發(fā)展的某些階段發(fā)生缺失，而促使國家或民族的衰落，如古羅馬共和國由美德的喪失而最終土崩瓦解[6]230。但是從歷史發(fā)展的長河來看，美德和物質(zhì)的進(jìn)步必將會(huì)完美結(jié)合起來，人類社會(huì)必將在美德的指引下“生存下去，繁榮下去”[6]309。因而，如果將弗格森的進(jìn)步史觀描述為“歷史的這種進(jìn)步只限于物質(zhì)層面，而在精神層面，人類是趨于墮落的”，可能就是對弗格森有關(guān)歷史進(jìn)步看法的誤讀了[9]20。弗格森對野蠻民族美德的推崇和現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)文明的批判，不是對工商業(yè)文明的否定，而是一種提醒。他告誡現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)國家的人們，物質(zhì)的進(jìn)步，必須以美德作為指導(dǎo)，否則就會(huì)像晚期的羅馬帝國一樣，盡管曾經(jīng)是“照亮整個(gè)世界的火炬”，但最終“就像燭臺里的小蠟燭一樣漸漸黯淡了”[6]230。然而，弗格森將歷史分成兩層，總體史和國家的歷史。不管國家的命運(yùn)如何，哪怕“國家可能遭受腐化，進(jìn)而衰落，但歷史會(huì)不斷地進(jìn)步下去”[10]。

這里需要澄清一個(gè)問題。弗格森在《文明社會(huì)史論》中對野蠻民族的極力推崇，而對現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)的大加批評，促使很多學(xué)者將其歸因于弗格森特殊的高地背景。*在18世紀(jì)啟蒙學(xué)者推崇理性，簡單否定過去的背景下，野蠻民族同未開化時(shí)期、中世紀(jì)文明一樣都被作為是無知和迷信的產(chǎn)品，不值得有知識的人進(jìn)行研究，或充其量只是作為現(xiàn)代文明的介紹。見Thomas Preston Peardon, The Transition in English Historical Writing, 1760-1830, New York: Columbia University Press, 1933, p.10.而當(dāng)時(shí)的蘇格蘭高地地區(qū)其政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)十分落后，同代表高度發(fā)達(dá)的現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)文明的英格蘭不可同日而語，在1707年英蘇合并后，同英格蘭甚至蘇格蘭低地的差距逐漸增大。因而，高地同野蠻民族一樣，相對于18世紀(jì)的現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)文明，都是貧窮、落后，不值一提的他者。弗格森是18世紀(jì)蘇格蘭唯一一個(gè)出生于高地的主要啟蒙思想家。一些學(xué)者就因此認(rèn)為，弗格森對野蠻民族的推崇實(shí)際上暗含著對其家鄉(xiāng)蘇格蘭高地進(jìn)行贊揚(yáng)的訴求。如歐茲-薩茲伯格就指出，《文明社會(huì)史論》雖然沒有提及其出生地——蘇格蘭高地的名字，但是弗格森仍然深受蘇格蘭尤其是高地的影響，弗格森在《文明社會(huì)史論》中對與高地相似的原始部落的公民生活做了重要提及，大加贊美，對于高地傳奇的遠(yuǎn)古詩人歐希安(Ossian)*歐希安是傳說中蘇格蘭高地偉大的古代詩人。但對其是否真的存在，學(xué)術(shù)界一直頗有爭議。1760年6月，麥克弗森(James Macpherson)出版了《從蓋爾語或厄爾斯語翻譯而來，源于蘇格蘭高地的遠(yuǎn)古詩片斷》。他自稱這些古詩來源于一本用蘇格蘭蓋爾語寫成的古詩遺稿，而這些遺稿真實(shí)地保留了歐希安的詩。緊接著在1761年、1763年，麥克弗森又編輯出版了歐希安的一系列詩，實(shí)際上證明了歐希安這位傳說中偉大的高地詩人是真實(shí)存在的，因而在當(dāng)時(shí)的學(xué)界引起了很大的轟動(dòng)。弗格森、布萊爾(Hugh Blair)、吉本(Edward Gibbon)都對麥克弗森出版的這些古詩表示了很大的興趣，相信這些古詩確是出于歐希安之手。但麥克弗森這些詩集的真實(shí)性也遭到越來越多學(xué)者的質(zhì)疑。肖(William Shaw)在其《有關(guān)歐希安真實(shí)性的調(diào)查》中，更是指責(zé)弗格森參與了歐希安古詩集的造假。弗格森為表清白，同肖等質(zhì)疑他的學(xué)者進(jìn)行了激烈的論辯，最后此事不了了之。，弗格森從未將其視為憑空想象的產(chǎn)物[11]。正是因?yàn)樗母叩乇尘埃顾麍?jiān)信遠(yuǎn)古高地詩人歐希安及其創(chuàng)作的古詩的真實(shí)性[2]11。這種觀點(diǎn)頗為流行，引來不少追隨者，如匹塔克(Murray G. H. Pittock)[12]、阿倫(David Allan)[13]，中國一些研究弗格森思想的學(xué)者也基本持這種觀點(diǎn)[9]。實(shí)際上，這些觀點(diǎn)值得商榷，如上面提到的歐茲-薩茲伯格就指出，正是因?yàn)楦ジ裆母叩乇尘?，才使其對高地傳說的遠(yuǎn)古詩人歐希安表示了極大的熱情。的確，弗格森似乎從未懷疑過歐希安的真實(shí)性，甚至在麥克弗森死后，他還關(guān)心歐希安詩集的出版，但這并不能說明其特殊的高地情感。事實(shí)上，通觀弗格森的通信集，除了“同普西進(jìn)行辯論以及回答麥肯錫(Henry Mackenzie)有關(guān)高地社會(huì)的問題，弗格森的信幾乎沒有提到歐希安”[15]。在1781年給布萊爾的信中，弗格森明確指出“雖然我從未懷疑過詹姆斯·麥克弗森所出版的詩集的真實(shí)性”，但他也從未像很多人那樣積極地為麥克弗森的歐希安詩集尋找證據(jù)[16]276*需要指出的是，在1798年給麥肯錫的一封信里，他明確指出，伴隨著麥克弗森《芬戈》(Fingal)、《泰奧拉》(Tenora)的出版，他也開始懷疑麥克弗森過于隨便地拼湊了一些古詩片斷?？梢姼ジ裆瓕W希安并不是盲目支持的，他的態(tài)度是相當(dāng)客觀的。見Vincenzo Merolle edited, The Correspondence of Adam Ferguson, London: William Pickering, 1995, p.431.。對他來說，歐希安好像是人類史上很有趣的話題，不是所謂的為蘇格蘭增添這種自負(fù)的榮耀，更別說嫉妒英國的其他地區(qū)了[16]76?？梢?，弗格森對歐希安問題是十分客觀的，他沒有毫無底線地支持歐希安古詩集的真實(shí)性，也從未為了論證歐希安古詩集的真實(shí)性投入過很大的精力。需要注意的是，麥克弗森出版的歐希安詩集真實(shí)性的問題在當(dāng)時(shí)的英國引起了巨大的爭議，布萊爾、休謨、吉本、約翰遜、肖、普西等眾多知名學(xué)者都卷入了這場爭論，甚至在歐洲大陸，歐希安問題也產(chǎn)生了廣泛而深遠(yuǎn)的影響，赫爾德(Johann Gottfried Herder)、歌德(Johann Wolfgang von Goethe)、席勒(Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schiller)都對其表示了很大的熱情，拿破侖甚至在隨軍作戰(zhàn)時(shí)都要帶上歐希安詩歌集[17]。然而，對于產(chǎn)生如此大爭議和影響的可以代表高地古老文明的歐希安詩集，出生于高地的弗格森卻表現(xiàn)出如此冷靜和客觀的態(tài)度，相比歐茲等學(xué)者的觀點(diǎn)，這應(yīng)該更能反映出弗格森并沒有特殊的高地情結(jié)，而弗格森對歐希安所表現(xiàn)出的一些興趣，只是因?yàn)槠涫恰叭祟愂飞虾苡腥さ脑掝}”，而與高地并沒有什么關(guān)系。由此可見，弗格森的眼光是十分寬廣的，他是立足于人類發(fā)展史的高度對歐希安的問題表現(xiàn)了一些興趣，而不是由于其高地背景對麥克弗森的歐希安古詩表示支持的。那些將其歸于高地背景的學(xué)者，在誤讀弗格森思想來源的同時(shí)，事實(shí)上也把弗格森治學(xué)的立足點(diǎn)放得太低了。*其他反駁弗格森的思想同其高地背景有聯(lián)系的觀點(diǎn)，可參考：John D. Brewer, “Ferguson’s Epistolary Self”, in Eugene Heath and Vincenzo Merolle edited, Adam Ferguson: History, Progress and Human Nature, London: Pickering﹠Chatto, 2008. John Robertson, “An Essay on the History of Civil Society by Adam Ferguson”, History Workshop Journal, No.44, p.256. Jane B. Fagg, “Biographical Introduction”, in Vincenzo Merolle edited, The Correspondence of Adam Ferguson, London: William Pickering, 1995, p.lxxii.

由《文明社會(huì)史論》，我們可以看到，弗格森對“野蠻民族”和“現(xiàn)代文明”的不同態(tài)度是源于二者在美德方面的不同。在弗格森看來，前者具有崇高的美德，因而受到肯定。后者日益喪失這種美德，因而受到批評。也就是說，美德是弗格森評價(jià)歷史不同發(fā)展階段的最重要標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，理性倒被放在次要的地位了。然而，18世紀(jì)的啟蒙思想家們多是無限地拔高理性的作用，以致于“一切都必須在理性的法庭面前為自己的存在作辯護(hù)或者放棄存在的權(quán)利”[18]。那么，弗格森的歷史進(jìn)步觀中又何以如此突出美德的重要性呢？我們認(rèn)為，至少同下列幾種因素有關(guān)：

第一，源于他的政治思想。弗格森深受市民人文主義和古典共和主義兩種共和思潮的影響。而這兩種思潮的核心理念之一，就是強(qiáng)調(diào)“美德”在社會(huì)生活中的重要性[9]44。這種政治思想直接影響到他在考察人類歷史發(fā)展進(jìn)程時(shí)，凸顯“美德”的重要性，而與主流思想家們對理性的推崇形成了鮮明的反差。我們還可以看到，在《羅馬共和國興衰史》中，弗格森對歷史人物和事件的評判也多受這種政治思想的影響[19]。

第二，同他對歷史的考察有關(guān)。作為歷史學(xué)家的弗格森，慣于從歷史中解決相應(yīng)的問題。如他指出關(guān)于“文明社會(huì)”的起源問題，不應(yīng)“提出種種猜想”，而應(yīng)從自然歷史學(xué)家所搜集的事實(shí)中去獲取答案。自然歷史學(xué)家“對于世界物質(zhì)系統(tǒng)能知道多少取決于事實(shí)的收集，或者說，充其量不過取決于基于特別的觀察和實(shí)驗(yàn)總結(jié)出來的總的原則”[6]3。關(guān)于人性問題，弗格森同樣認(rèn)為這“必須在人類史中尋求答案”[6]3。在1776年給吉本的信中，他就明確說，《羅馬共和國興衰史》的主要目的就是要研究人性[16]141，對于歷史的進(jìn)步什么是最主要的保障或推動(dòng)力，弗格森同樣訴諸于對歷史的考察。在《文明社會(huì)史論》中，我們可以頻頻看到弗格森對古代國家興衰的探究。他認(rèn)為，“斯巴達(dá)因其廉正之風(fēng)被破壞”，被“帶入未開化時(shí)代那種肆無忌憚的惡行溪流中”，最終導(dǎo)致斯巴達(dá)的滅亡[6]179。在對羅馬共和國興衰的考察時(shí)，他同樣認(rèn)為，羅馬共和國的繁榮是美德所帶來的結(jié)果，但也正是因?yàn)樽罱K喪失美德，導(dǎo)致了它的滅亡。可見，從對具體歷史事件的考察中，弗格森得出“美德”的存失關(guān)乎民族興衰的思想，而這種觀念又被弗格森上升到對整個(gè)人類歷史發(fā)展進(jìn)程的考察上，這或許可以解釋弗格森的歷史進(jìn)步觀中為何如此突出美德的作用了。

最后，同蘇格蘭啟蒙思想家對理性的態(tài)度有關(guān)。與法國啟蒙思想家對理性的過分彰揚(yáng)不同，蘇格蘭啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)的思想家對理性普遍持一種低調(diào)的態(tài)度。他們認(rèn)為“理性本身沒有本領(lǐng)創(chuàng)造出來完全合乎理性的未來。理性本身根本就沒有這樣的能力”[20]。這種肯定理性作用有限性的思想背景，也為弗格森在歷史進(jìn)步觀中抬高美德的作用提供了有益的啟發(fā)。

三、弗格森美德保證的歷史進(jìn)步如何成為可能？

弗格森的歷史進(jìn)步觀中有一個(gè)明顯的問題有待解答，即弗格森如此強(qiáng)調(diào)美德在歷史進(jìn)步中的重要作用，乃至于把它置于理性之上，作為保證歷史進(jìn)步的最重要因素。弗格森又是主張歷史進(jìn)步的，也就是說，在弗格森看來，在人類歷史發(fā)展的長河中，這種美德是可以占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位的，是能同人類社會(huì)有機(jī)結(jié)合起來的。否則，歷史的進(jìn)步就會(huì)變得不可能。那讀者自然會(huì)問，我們又怎能保證美德在歷史發(fā)展進(jìn)程中一定會(huì)占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位，一定會(huì)同人類社會(huì)有機(jī)結(jié)合呢？換言之，這種主導(dǎo)地位的確立，這種有機(jī)結(jié)合如何成為可能？弗格森本人在《文明社會(huì)史論》中多有論述的羅馬共和國、斯巴達(dá)，包括他大加批判的現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)文明國家，不就發(fā)生了美德缺失的現(xiàn)象，從而陷入危機(jī)甚至導(dǎo)致毀滅的結(jié)果了嗎？如果這種美德的存在，在人類歷史發(fā)展進(jìn)程中不能占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位，而是存在著極大的偶然性，時(shí)斷時(shí)續(xù)，那弗格森關(guān)于人類歷史是趨于進(jìn)步的預(yù)想豈不成了一種妄言了？顯得那么的脆弱和無法保證。對此，弗格森似乎并沒有明確的闡釋。當(dāng)然，這并不代表弗格森對這種美德保證的歷史進(jìn)步觀如何成為可能沒有進(jìn)行周密的建構(gòu)。相反，如果我們對弗格森關(guān)于人性的觀點(diǎn)進(jìn)行認(rèn)真解讀，似乎可以再現(xiàn)弗格森關(guān)于這一問題的邏輯建構(gòu)。當(dāng)然，這就需要另作探討了。

綜上，弗格森是歷史進(jìn)步論者，在這一點(diǎn)上，他和18世紀(jì)啟蒙思想家的主流觀點(diǎn)并無不同。但是，他同時(shí)又認(rèn)為這種歷史進(jìn)步不可能是直線上升的，而是呈現(xiàn)出一種曲折式的發(fā)展，他一方面肯定了理性在推動(dòng)人類物質(zhì)財(cái)富進(jìn)步的巨大作用，但另一方面，他并沒有像伏爾泰、孔多塞等思想家一樣過分夸大理性的作用，認(rèn)為通過理性就可以在人間建立一個(gè)千年福王國。這一點(diǎn)應(yīng)是秉承了蘇格蘭啟蒙思想家對理性普遍低調(diào)的態(tài)度。尤為難能可貴的是，他意識到了人類精神風(fēng)貌即美德的重要性，在追求物質(zhì)財(cái)富進(jìn)步的同時(shí)，絕不能喪失人類對政治事務(wù)積極參與的精神和公益精神。否則，相關(guān)的民族、國家及相伴的物質(zhì)進(jìn)步就會(huì)陷入危險(xiǎn)境地，甚至走向衰亡。民族要長久“生存下去”、“繁榮下去”，最終還需要美德的引導(dǎo)，“除了美德，別無依靠”。[6]309他對人類社會(huì)發(fā)展進(jìn)程中美德所起的重要作用的深刻認(rèn)識，不僅超越了其同時(shí)代的啟蒙思想家，而且更是為兩百多年后，現(xiàn)代文明國家由于物質(zhì)進(jìn)步跨越式發(fā)展，同精神文明建設(shè)蝸行牛步移動(dòng)之間的嚴(yán)重不協(xié)調(diào)，而導(dǎo)致的眾多社會(huì)問題的解決提供了重要的啟示，即如何去更合理地平衡物質(zhì)進(jìn)步同精神文明之間的關(guān)系，建設(shè)一個(gè)更美好的未來。

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[7] Adam Ferguson. The Principles of Moral and Political Science[M]. London: A. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1792: 184-185.

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責(zé)任編輯 張穎超

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1673-9841(2014)02-0175-06

一、弗格森是歷史進(jìn)步論者嗎？

2013-01-20

姚正平，北京師范大學(xué)歷史文化學(xué)院，博士研究生。