克勞斯 R. 昆茲曼

3.4 扎根于大自然的社會(huì)

當(dāng)羅馬士兵試圖殖民羅馬領(lǐng)土北部的地區(qū)時(shí)，隱藏在廣闊森林中的德國(guó)部落阻止了他們的入侵。從那以后，森林對(duì)德國(guó)人而言發(fā)揮著重要作用。森林一直是封建地主和當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)民的獵場(chǎng)；森林提供木材以用于建造和加熱房屋，生產(chǎn)家具和養(yǎng)豬。在現(xiàn)代，森林成為家庭和大自然愛好者的目標(biāo)，他們希望觀察野生動(dòng)物，并在周末或暑假期間遠(yuǎn)足或騎自行車時(shí)能呼吸新鮮空氣。森林是聞名世界的德國(guó)童話故事（從雪白公主和七個(gè)小矮人到漢賽爾與格萊特）的創(chuàng)作場(chǎng)景。森林在德國(guó)浪漫主義中也發(fā)揮著重要作用，德國(guó)浪漫主義是18世紀(jì)和19世紀(jì)初關(guān)于哲學(xué)、藝術(shù)和德語國(guó)家文化的主導(dǎo)思想運(yùn)動(dòng)。當(dāng)時(shí)弗里德里希（C.D. Friedrich）的畫作是德國(guó)人對(duì)大自然渴望的關(guān)鍵表現(xiàn)和象征。

2016年，德國(guó)被森林和林地覆蓋的土地份額約為32%。由于結(jié)構(gòu)性農(nóng)業(yè)變化，這一份額逐年增加。48%的林地由私人擁有，4%由聯(lián)邦州擁有，26%由聯(lián)邦州擁有，19%主要由地方政府、教會(huì)或其他機(jī)構(gòu)土地所有者掌控。有6個(gè)德國(guó)山毛櫸森林甚至被列為聯(lián)合國(guó)教科文組織遺產(chǎn)森林。

可持續(xù)概念根植于對(duì)森林和自然的高度重視，是社會(huì)關(guān)注的重點(diǎn)。自然保護(hù)有著悠久的傳統(tǒng)。有兩個(gè)綠色利益相關(guān)者是德國(guó)可持續(xù)發(fā)展的重要支柱，即綠黨（聯(lián)盟90/綠黨）和德國(guó)環(huán)境及自然保護(hù)聯(lián)盟（Bund Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland，簡(jiǎn)稱BUND）——一個(gè)有影響力的非政府組織，該組織正在為自然保護(hù)和可持續(xù)環(huán)境游說。

德國(guó)社會(huì)對(duì)綠色環(huán)保的熱情是1980年在西德建立綠黨的關(guān)鍵動(dòng)機(jī)。一開始，這只是反核與和平運(yùn)動(dòng)中由意識(shí)形態(tài)推動(dòng)的運(yùn)動(dòng)。后來，這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)演化成一個(gè)政黨，成為該國(guó)穩(wěn)固的政治力量之一。綠黨代表了生態(tài)發(fā)展、自我決定、正義、大數(shù)據(jù)問題和男女平等權(quán)利的基本價(jià)值觀和原則。雖然可持續(xù)性是一個(gè)相當(dāng)保守的概念，但其社會(huì)目標(biāo)更加自由并具有共有社會(huì)性質(zhì)。1983年，當(dāng)政黨成功進(jìn)入德國(guó)議會(huì)時(shí)，該黨獲得了政治上的重要地位，并且在1985年，該黨的一位著名領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人Joschka Fischer成為聯(lián)邦州黑森州第一位負(fù)責(zé)環(huán)境事務(wù)的綠色部長(zhǎng)。后來他甚至被任命為德國(guó)外交部長(zhǎng)。1993年統(tǒng)一后，東德和西德各黨派以“自由和可持續(xù)發(fā)展”為中心，加入并建立了新的政黨，并將其改名為聯(lián)盟90/綠黨。黨的關(guān)鍵問題和模式是促進(jìn)生態(tài)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)的可持續(xù)性。在2018年的聯(lián)邦議會(huì)中，綠黨占據(jù)了10%的席位。在巴登—符騰堡州，綠黨的成員當(dāng)選為市長(zhǎng)（斯圖加特、蒂賓根、弗賴堡）。以其強(qiáng)大的汽車工業(yè)而聞名的州代理首席大臣也來自綠黨。在地方層面，綠黨反對(duì)高檔住宅，支持經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房、敏感性社區(qū)發(fā)展，反對(duì)城市邊緣不合理的土地開發(fā)，同時(shí)支持通勤移動(dòng)的可持續(xù)性。

BUND是德國(guó)另一個(gè)重要的可持續(xù)發(fā)展監(jiān)督機(jī)構(gòu)，是在各級(jí)都有民主決策機(jī)構(gòu)的會(huì)員協(xié)會(huì)。該協(xié)會(huì)完全靠自己的收入提供資金——主要是通過會(huì)員費(fèi)和超過500,000人的捐款。該協(xié)會(huì)在全國(guó)范圍所有政府層面開展工作。由2,000多個(gè)志愿者小組處理對(duì)其地區(qū)而言重要的問題。這些問題包括維護(hù)自然保護(hù)區(qū)、動(dòng)員反對(duì)大規(guī)模農(nóng)業(yè)植物、有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)和健康食品、氣候保護(hù)和可再生能源的開發(fā)、支持保護(hù)瀕危物種、森林和水資源或偵察工作（采取響應(yīng)政府政策的活動(dòng)）。

圖1 / Figure 1根植于自然的社會(huì)A Society Rooted in Nature

3.5 文化和身份認(rèn)同問題

2000年的歷史塑造了德國(guó)的文化生活。宗教、建筑、藝術(shù)和相關(guān)傳統(tǒng)是文化認(rèn)同的支柱，這些因素對(duì)社會(huì)及其經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展作出了重大貢獻(xiàn)。在以全球化、全球移民流動(dòng)和多元文化意識(shí)形態(tài)為特征的時(shí)代，區(qū)域身份認(rèn)同及其相關(guān)價(jià)值已成為一個(gè)問題。正如在許多其他歐洲國(guó)家一樣，在德國(guó)保持區(qū)域文化身份認(rèn)同是一個(gè)激烈的政治舞臺(tái)，由自由派知識(shí)分子和德國(guó)民粹主義者對(duì)其進(jìn)行闡述。因此，語言是一個(gè)關(guān)鍵因素。

艱苦的歷史經(jīng)驗(yàn)是德國(guó)城市和地區(qū)嚴(yán)格保護(hù)其歷史遺產(chǎn)的主要?jiǎng)訖C(jī)。在法規(guī)和財(cái)政支援的支持下，在嚴(yán)格的公共和媒體控制的保護(hù)和推動(dòng)下，城市的歷史遺產(chǎn)維護(hù)成為城市發(fā)展的主要關(guān)注點(diǎn)。堅(jiān)持（控制）和胡蘿卜政策（補(bǔ)貼和稅收激勵(lì)）保證了實(shí)施。例如，在市中心開發(fā)高層建筑受到當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦膹?qiáng)烈反對(duì)，這些居民仍然支持舊的基督教范式，即市中心的教堂塔樓應(yīng)該仍然是市中心的最高層建筑。許多公民對(duì)現(xiàn)代主義開發(fā)者主導(dǎo)的建筑持懷疑態(tài)度。中等城市的當(dāng)?shù)亟虆^(qū)制度和教堂土地所有權(quán)有助于保護(hù)市中心區(qū)的身份認(rèn)同。

圖2 / Figure 2重視歷史History Matters

圖3 / Figure 3土地所有權(quán)Land Ownership

在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)導(dǎo)致歷史建筑和區(qū)域遭到破壞的地方，一些城市在當(dāng)?shù)乇Ｊ匦袆?dòng)團(tuán)體的支持下甚至推動(dòng)了標(biāo)志性建筑的重建，如在德累斯頓、波茨坦、柏林或法蘭克福。將新的功能性建筑物包裹在時(shí)尚的外墻中，以紀(jì)念原始建筑，這種建筑被稱為記憶建筑。這些反現(xiàn)代主義項(xiàng)目的合理性是通過把文化和美學(xué)價(jià)值觀以及營(yíng)銷論據(jù)相結(jié)合，以吸引媒體報(bào)道以及國(guó)內(nèi)和國(guó)際游客，而得到證明。

3.6 土地所有權(quán)和經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房

擁有土地的人對(duì)城市發(fā)展、規(guī)劃和決策過程有很大的權(quán)力。誰擁有德國(guó)城市的土地和財(cái)產(chǎn)？盡管德國(guó)有著悠久的土地登記傳統(tǒng)，由于德國(guó)人民重視隱私問題，該國(guó)沒有土地所有權(quán)統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)。只有在能夠證明因特殊情況，而有權(quán)獲取在其他情況下非公開的土地登記冊(cè)信息的情況下，才能獲取有關(guān)土地所有權(quán)的信息。私人家庭和當(dāng)?shù)赝顿Y者擁有德國(guó)最多的城市土地。43%的德國(guó)人擁有房子，53%的人租用房子或公寓。城市土地的其他主要利益相關(guān)者是地方政府、銀行、州或地方住房協(xié)會(huì)和開發(fā)公司、公司土地所有者以及德國(guó)鐵路。在全球金融流動(dòng)時(shí)期，國(guó)際對(duì)沖和養(yǎng)老基金進(jìn)入了城市土地市場(chǎng)，但僅在市中心地區(qū)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)后，東德的社會(huì)主義政權(quán)征用了所有私人土地。在1990年統(tǒng)一后，這些財(cái)產(chǎn)在土地登記簿的基礎(chǔ)上重新歸于原來的土地所有者。這一政治決定造成了許多官僚主義的繁文縟節(jié)以及土地使用者和擁有者之間的緊張關(guān)系。

與歐洲其他國(guó)家相比，租賃住房市場(chǎng)相對(duì)較大。為了繼承德國(guó)悠久的傳統(tǒng)，許多地方政府和工業(yè)企業(yè)通過其公共和企業(yè)住房協(xié)會(huì)為低收入家庭提供經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房。然而，在20世紀(jì)90年代，由于假設(shè)德國(guó)人口將下降，加上商業(yè)顧問的糟糕建議，許多地方政府出售其公共住房以彌補(bǔ)赤字預(yù)算。一些國(guó)內(nèi)和國(guó)際融資的房地產(chǎn)公司（如Vonovia）得益于銷售。與此同時(shí)，當(dāng)?shù)卣淹Ｖ逛N售，并重新加強(qiáng)了公共住房協(xié)會(huì)的作用。

土地所有者繳納財(cái)產(chǎn)稅。此房產(chǎn)稅相對(duì)較低，并且基于固定日期的房產(chǎn)價(jià)值（1952年在西德，1935年在東德）。由當(dāng)?shù)卣魇盏呢?cái)產(chǎn)稅可能因城市而異。一些聯(lián)邦州（例如柏林）甚至要求征收房產(chǎn)轉(zhuǎn)移稅（占房產(chǎn)價(jià)值的6%）。正在進(jìn)行有關(guān)財(cái)產(chǎn)稅制改革的政治討論。提議的修訂旨在修改對(duì)財(cái)產(chǎn)和土地價(jià)值的過時(shí)計(jì)算方法。

21世紀(jì)初，由于多種原因（移民、單身家庭的增長(zhǎng)、員工的多地點(diǎn)性增加、高檔化和度假租賃計(jì)劃），德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房已經(jīng)成為一個(gè)關(guān)鍵的政治問題。為提供經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房，公共住宅公司迫切需要建造新的房地產(chǎn)，鼓勵(lì)年輕公民以優(yōu)惠條件在當(dāng)?shù)卣峁┑耐恋厣辖⑿碌淖》亢献魃纭Ｔ谝恍┏鞘校侥岷谑幸恢笔敲^），當(dāng)?shù)胤ㄒ?guī)迫使私人住房投資者以當(dāng)?shù)卣_定的實(shí)惠價(jià)格租賃30%的出租房。慕尼黑的“社會(huì)公平土地利用”模式（sozial gerechte Bodennutzung，德語簡(jiǎn)稱SOBON）已經(jīng)成為一種在大城市提供經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房的模范方法。

圖4 / Figure 4家族企業(yè)Family Enterprises

圖5 / Figure 5地方稅基Local Tax Base

3.7中小企業(yè)和當(dāng)?shù)馗畹俟痰募易迤髽I(yè)

德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)在很大程度上取決于中小型和家族企業(yè)。這些企業(yè)（包括手工業(yè)和獨(dú)立專業(yè)人士）稱為“Mittelstand”（中小企業(yè)）。中小企業(yè)是soziale Marktwirtschaft（德國(guó)社會(huì)市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)）的重要支柱，以經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)自由、私有制、團(tuán)結(jié)、對(duì)話與合作為基礎(chǔ)。

中小企業(yè)的特點(diǎn)是所有權(quán)、管理、責(zé)任和風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的統(tǒng)一，經(jīng)濟(jì)存在和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的統(tǒng)一，以及公司管理層在所有相關(guān)業(yè)務(wù)政策決策中的負(fù)責(zé)任參與。中小企業(yè)未在證券交易所上市，投資通常是從利潤(rùn)中支付的。一般而言，中小企業(yè)為250~500名員工提供工作。

大多數(shù)中小企業(yè)（通常是家族企業(yè)占95%）在當(dāng)?shù)卦S多企業(yè)具有全球競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。這些企業(yè)主要位于中小型城市，但通常位于較大的多中心城市地區(qū)。這些企業(yè)嚴(yán)重依賴合格、忠誠(chéng)的當(dāng)?shù)貏趧?dòng)力，雇傭關(guān)系代代相傳成為成功的基本要素。較大的企業(yè)通過自己的研究部門增強(qiáng)創(chuàng)造力和創(chuàng)新能力，或者從與地區(qū)學(xué)院和大學(xué)的密切關(guān)系中受益。中小企業(yè)的管理層通常由當(dāng)?shù)氐馁Q(mào)易、手工業(yè)和商業(yè)商會(huì)組織與當(dāng)?shù)卣３种己玫年P(guān)系。這些中小企業(yè)是當(dāng)?shù)厣鐣?huì)的重要參與者，也是當(dāng)?shù)匚幕腕w育活動(dòng)的重要贊助商。2014年，德國(guó)中小企業(yè)為58.5%的德國(guó)勞動(dòng)力提供了需要繳納社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)費(fèi)的就業(yè)崗位。中小企業(yè)為德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的整體營(yíng)業(yè)額貢獻(xiàn)了35.3%，并為私營(yíng)部門所有受訓(xùn)人員的81.8%提供在職培訓(xùn)。

然而，在全球化時(shí)代，全球競(jìng)爭(zhēng)正在影響著德國(guó)的中小企業(yè)。作為回應(yīng)，企業(yè)在網(wǎng)絡(luò)中合作并以專題組的形式組織，同時(shí)保持其企業(yè)獨(dú)立性。德國(guó)汽車和工程行業(yè)在很大程度上依賴于中小企業(yè)中的眾多高度創(chuàng)新企業(yè)的貢獻(xiàn)。

3.8本地資助的城市發(fā)展

地方政府從哪里獲得資金來完成他們必須完成的任務(wù)？在聯(lián)邦政府、聯(lián)邦州和地方政府之間的談判之后，決定企業(yè)、收入和增值稅在所有3個(gè)層級(jí)的政府之間共享。聯(lián)邦政府和聯(lián)邦州之間共享企業(yè)稅（各占50%），而聯(lián)邦政府、聯(lián)邦州和地方政府之間共享所得稅（42.5%，42.5%，15%）。類似地，3個(gè)層級(jí)的政府之間共享增值稅（53.2%，44.6%，2.2%）。此外，地方政府有自己的稅收收入，如地方貿(mào)易稅（Gewerbesteuer,因城市而異）、相對(duì)較低的財(cái)產(chǎn)稅、旅游稅、第二居所稅、狗稅和飲料稅。地方政府還從州、聯(lián)邦和歐洲地方項(xiàng)目計(jì)劃中獲得財(cái)政捐助。一般而言，地方政府有興趣在其城市邊界內(nèi)為本地注冊(cè)的行業(yè)提供土地，并且可以理解的是，他們也有興趣吸引在當(dāng)?shù)乩U納所得稅的富裕公民。

地方政府的強(qiáng)制性任務(wù)包括社會(huì)福利、教育、地方道路、公共交通、公共安全或消防。例如，在2018年的法蘭克福（一個(gè)相對(duì)富裕的城市）預(yù)算（2016年人口約730,000人）中，福利支出占預(yù)算的32%，教育占32%，公共交通占8%，安全占3%。文化事務(wù)（例如劇院、歌劇院、博物館、管弦樂隊(duì)、文化活動(dòng)和文化中心）的支出是非強(qiáng)制性的。然而，法蘭克福市將其預(yù)算的8%用于文化機(jī)構(gòu)和活動(dòng)這一當(dāng)?shù)卣哳I(lǐng)域，該領(lǐng)域占當(dāng)?shù)仡A(yù)算的份額高于大多數(shù)其他德國(guó)城市（慕尼黑除外）。這表明文化被視為描繪這座銀行業(yè)城市的重要政策領(lǐng)域。

在支付了當(dāng)?shù)卣ぷ魅藛T的工資和強(qiáng)制性費(fèi)用之后，德國(guó)城市或縣平均可用于當(dāng)?shù)赝顿Y和創(chuàng)意項(xiàng)目的可支配預(yù)算不多。因此，地方政府必須向國(guó)家或歐盟委員會(huì)申請(qǐng)金融項(xiàng)目支持，提供50%的項(xiàng)目成本份額，并為煩瑣的官僚主義申請(qǐng)程序投入大量時(shí)間。

顯然富裕的城市鳳毛麟角，較貧窮的城市則相當(dāng)多。德國(guó)較富裕的城市有慕尼黑、沃爾夫斯堡、斯圖加特或英戈?duì)柺┧?，這主要?dú)w功于這些城市的汽車生產(chǎn)。稍差些的城市有奧伯豪森、杜伊斯堡和奧芬巴赫，還有特里爾或魏瑪。通常，這些城市都是汽車生產(chǎn)所在的城市，這些城市從此類行業(yè)取得的出口中成功獲益。相比之下，在魯爾（Ruhr）或東德等老工業(yè)區(qū)遭受結(jié)構(gòu)變革的城市在履行其強(qiáng)制性任務(wù)方面存在相當(dāng)大的困難。城市可以提供貸款來支付其費(fèi)用，但相應(yīng)的聯(lián)邦土地有義務(wù)避免破產(chǎn)。由于全球化和大都市化，貧富地方政府之間的差距在不斷擴(kuò)大。

圖6 / Figure 6雙重教育Dual Education

圖7 / Figure 7規(guī)劃教育Planning Education

3.9高等教育和雙重教育

有3種特殊信息對(duì)于理解德國(guó)的教育和研究體系至關(guān)重要。首先，從小學(xué)到高等教育機(jī)構(gòu)的教育完全是聯(lián)邦州的責(zé)任。聯(lián)邦政府幾乎沒有干預(yù)高等教育的空間。其次，雙重教育是德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的堅(jiān)實(shí)基礎(chǔ)。德國(guó)的第三項(xiàng)基礎(chǔ)研究主要在大學(xué)之外、屬于4個(gè)獨(dú)立的科研機(jī)構(gòu)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的研究所內(nèi)進(jìn)行。3個(gè)這樣的網(wǎng)絡(luò)（萊布尼茲，亥姆霍茲，馬克斯普朗克）由聯(lián)邦政府資助。一個(gè)研究所（弗勞恩霍夫）由聯(lián)邦政府和私營(yíng)企業(yè)共同資助，但專門從事應(yīng)用研究。

研究型大學(xué)和應(yīng)用科學(xué)大學(xué)（Hochschulen）可供所有人使用。一般而言，公立大學(xué)的高等教育對(duì)德國(guó)學(xué)生和外國(guó)學(xué)生來說是免費(fèi)的。此外，大約20%的學(xué)生（根據(jù)父母的收入）從政府獲得獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，以支付部分生活費(fèi)用。私立大學(xué)的數(shù)量可以忽略不計(jì)，雖然在一些學(xué)科（商業(yè)、法律、物聯(lián)網(wǎng)、健康）有所上升。從各種各樣的普通和職業(yè)中專成功畢業(yè)后，都能保障接受高等教育。除了建筑、藝術(shù)、音樂和醫(yī)學(xué)之外，進(jìn)入大學(xué)不需要入學(xué)考試。遵循經(jīng)過慎重考量的國(guó)家政策，德國(guó)所有大型和大多數(shù)中等城市都設(shè)有大學(xué)，學(xué)生在學(xué)習(xí)期間可以留在家中，也可以每日乘車到大學(xué)學(xué)習(xí)。排名標(biāo)準(zhǔn)對(duì)本科和研究生學(xué)位并不重要。通過各州政府共同商定的法規(guī)，全國(guó)各地都保證了同等質(zhì)量。2015年，大約50%的學(xué)校畢業(yè)生通過入讀高等教育機(jī)構(gòu)繼續(xù)接受教育（1970年這一比例僅為11%）。與其他歐洲（非德語）國(guó)家相比，這個(gè)數(shù)字相對(duì)較低。原因是職業(yè)培訓(xùn)，尤其是手工藝培訓(xùn)，仍然受益于社會(huì)上的高聲譽(yù)。

職業(yè)教育（在中學(xué)義務(wù)十年之后，不準(zhǔn)備大學(xué)入學(xué)，是德國(guó)教育體系的一個(gè)重要方面）有悠久的傳統(tǒng)，可以追溯到中世紀(jì)的行會(huì)制度。直到今天，職業(yè)教育依然是250多個(gè)領(lǐng)域（從面包師到水管工，從瓦工到汽車修理工和櫥柜制造商，從理發(fā)師到女售貨員或護(hù)士到電子專家或旅游經(jīng)理）中同一年齡段人群中50%的選擇。經(jīng)過3年的帶薪在職培訓(xùn)，并在專業(yè)培訓(xùn)學(xué)校接受理論和管理培訓(xùn)，學(xué)員獲得專業(yè)學(xué)士學(xué)位，并在自愿繼續(xù)進(jìn)修3年后，獲得相應(yīng)專業(yè)的專業(yè)碩士學(xué)位。專業(yè)教育的組織和評(píng)估完全由貿(mào)易、手工業(yè)和商業(yè)商會(huì)自行組織。完善的雙重教育體系解釋了高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的工業(yè)生產(chǎn)，這是基于其勞動(dòng)力高度專業(yè)的資格。

德國(guó)的平衡空間發(fā)展也受益于該國(guó)分散的教育體系。輕松自由地接受教育是在城市和地區(qū)提供高度宜居性的關(guān)鍵因素。一些最好的德國(guó)大學(xué)位于中等城鎮(zhèn)（例如康斯坦茨、哥廷根、明斯特、耶拿、蒂賓根、弗賴堡、埃爾蘭根）。

圖8 / Figure 8城市研究Urban Research

圖9 / Figure 9公眾參與Public Participation

3.10綜合規(guī)劃教育

受過良好教育的規(guī)劃者為該國(guó)城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展的重大成就作出了巨大貢獻(xiàn)。自20世紀(jì)初（那時(shí)城市設(shè)計(jì)和規(guī)劃發(fā)展成為一項(xiàng)公共任務(wù)），德國(guó)的規(guī)劃師教育傳統(tǒng)上是在建筑學(xué)院完成的。希望成為公共部門公務(wù)員的大學(xué)畢業(yè)生當(dāng)時(shí)（現(xiàn)在仍然）需要通過兩年的公共部門實(shí)習(xí)才能獲得規(guī)劃職業(yè)資格。這兩年的滾動(dòng)式在職計(jì)劃由公共部門的專業(yè)規(guī)劃人員設(shè)計(jì)和專門實(shí)施。這個(gè)名為Referendariat（見習(xí)）的培訓(xùn)計(jì)劃類似于希望成為公共律師或檢察官的德國(guó)律師的培訓(xùn)。該計(jì)劃不對(duì)所有人開發(fā)，需要經(jīng)過競(jìng)爭(zhēng)才能參加。要獲得該課程的錄取，潛在申請(qǐng)者必須具有大學(xué)水平的理學(xué)碩士或碩士學(xué)位（以前是工學(xué)碩士學(xué)位，即相當(dāng)于碩士學(xué)位的工程學(xué)位），無論是在建筑、土木工程、測(cè)量或空間規(guī)劃學(xué)科。規(guī)劃教育獨(dú)立于建筑教育，在60年代后期發(fā)展，受到進(jìn)步的城市管理者支持，這些城市管理者明確表示缺乏合格的偏向設(shè)計(jì)的建筑規(guī)劃師。今天，德國(guó)有一些空間規(guī)劃學(xué)校（如柏林、多特蒙德、凱澤斯勞滕、漢堡、卡塞爾和科特布斯），這些學(xué)校提供5年綜合教育，提供廣泛的課程，這些課程以城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展為重點(diǎn)，完成課程后可以獲得學(xué)士/理學(xué)學(xué)士/碩士/理學(xué)碩士學(xué)位。各種課程以研究方向?yàn)樘攸c(diǎn)。在處理現(xiàn)實(shí)世界挑戰(zhàn)的小組項(xiàng)目的環(huán)境下可以學(xué)習(xí)溝通技巧。在過去50年中，這些學(xué)校接受過培訓(xùn)的幾千名規(guī)劃師指導(dǎo)了德國(guó)城市和地區(qū)的城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展。

3.11密集的城市研究網(wǎng)絡(luò)

地方和地區(qū)政府以及聯(lián)邦政府的責(zé)任部門不斷尋求城市和區(qū)域研究機(jī)構(gòu)的咨詢支持。這種主要以應(yīng)用實(shí)踐為導(dǎo)向的研究是在所有培養(yǎng)規(guī)劃師、城市規(guī)劃師、地理學(xué)家、社會(huì)學(xué)家、生態(tài)學(xué)家和交通工程師的大學(xué)進(jìn)行，或者通過研究型規(guī)劃顧問進(jìn)行的。一般來說，研究是通過公開招標(biāo)程序進(jìn)行外包的，要求提出對(duì)與城市和地區(qū)當(dāng)前發(fā)展挑戰(zhàn)相關(guān)的緊迫研究問題的建議。除了這些應(yīng)用研究外，德國(guó)研究協(xié)會(huì)還支持城市和區(qū)域規(guī)劃的基礎(chǔ)研究，該研究會(huì)在城市和區(qū)域研究方面還設(shè)有專門的分會(huì)。此外，還有萊布尼茨協(xié)會(huì)（Leibniz-Gesellschaft）支持的4個(gè)獨(dú)立研究機(jī)構(gòu)。萊布尼茨協(xié)會(huì)由93個(gè)獨(dú)立研究機(jī)構(gòu)組成，這些機(jī)構(gòu)涉及自然、工程和環(huán)境科學(xué)、經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、空間和社會(huì)科學(xué)以及人文學(xué)科，解決社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和生態(tài)相關(guān)問題。德累斯頓、?？思{/柏林和漢諾威的3個(gè)萊布尼茨研究所開展知識(shí)驅(qū)動(dòng)和應(yīng)用基礎(chǔ)研究，維護(hù)科學(xué)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，并在城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展領(lǐng)域提供研究型服務(wù)。另外兩個(gè)研究機(jī)構(gòu)在該領(lǐng)域發(fā)揮了特殊作用：Bundesinstitut für Bau, Stadt und Raumforschung im Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung（聯(lián)邦建筑、城市事務(wù)和空間發(fā)展研究所）和德國(guó)城市事務(wù)研究所（Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik, DIFU)），這兩個(gè)協(xié)會(huì)由德國(guó)城市協(xié)會(huì)資助。雖然BBSR提供有關(guān)城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展的廣泛數(shù)據(jù)和信息，但DIFU正在開展城市研究，并應(yīng)地方政府的要求提供專題培訓(xùn)研討會(huì)。另一個(gè)著名的德國(guó)研究機(jī)構(gòu)是北萊茵—威斯特伐利亞州政府的智庫—區(qū)域和城市研究所（Institut für Landes- und Stadtentwicklungsforschung, ILS）。

3.12公眾參與和共識(shí)導(dǎo)向

公眾參與城市發(fā)展已成為德國(guó)規(guī)劃和決策過程中法律規(guī)定的慣例。公民參與所有（大多數(shù)）對(duì)社區(qū)和城區(qū)宜居性產(chǎn)生影響的過程。當(dāng)?shù)匾?guī)劃部門公開宣布舉辦并組織公開聽證會(huì)和論壇，以展示和解釋項(xiàng)目和計(jì)劃。公民可以貢獻(xiàn)他們的本地知識(shí)并闡明他們的關(guān)注點(diǎn)。這種公眾參與過程有助于更好地了解城市發(fā)展目標(biāo)，并通常能夠改進(jìn)計(jì)劃和項(xiàng)目。然而，偶爾這種參與也有消極的一面。公民行動(dòng)團(tuán)體會(huì)使用（和濫用）參與來阻止或僅僅延遲項(xiàng)目（例如標(biāo)志性項(xiàng)目、高速公路或機(jī)場(chǎng)延伸）或僅僅參與當(dāng)?shù)卣h政治。在德國(guó)實(shí)施旨在解決當(dāng)?shù)鼗A(chǔ)設(shè)施問題（例如，橋梁、火車站、城市高速公路、機(jī)場(chǎng)的第二條跑道）或旨在把標(biāo)志性建筑（例如，高層建筑、新的音樂廳或雄心勃勃的城市更新項(xiàng)目）添加到當(dāng)?shù)爻鞘芯坝^中的大型城市發(fā)展項(xiàng)目需要相當(dāng)長(zhǎng)的時(shí)間。這是多種原因造成的。由于根植于基督教價(jià)值觀、政黨環(huán)境、激烈的環(huán)境運(yùn)動(dòng)、自信的公民社會(huì)、調(diào)查性新聞以及有影響力的地方和地區(qū)媒體的環(huán)境中，對(duì)這些項(xiàng)目的討論是非常有爭(zhēng)議性的。因此必須找到共識(shí)。規(guī)劃和決策的各個(gè)層面（從地方到歐洲層面）不斷增加的法律和行政法規(guī)以及對(duì)專業(yè)能力的日益普遍的不信任，促使這些項(xiàng)目始終處于篩選和修訂狀態(tài)。這通常需要重新調(diào)查、重新進(jìn)行財(cái)務(wù)計(jì)算、作出新的政治決策、完成新一輪行政審批、修訂合同以及（在歐洲范圍內(nèi)進(jìn)行程序性招標(biāo)之后）新的建設(shè)承包企業(yè)參與。

地方政府不止一次尋求外部調(diào)解。調(diào)解被用作在不同群體或職位之間尋求妥協(xié)的工具。參與或雇用的獨(dú)立調(diào)解人尋求所有相關(guān)團(tuán)體可以達(dá)成的共識(shí)和妥協(xié)。偶爾甚至進(jìn)行地方公民投票以獲得民眾對(duì)項(xiàng)目的支持或反對(duì)。決定把柏林市中心機(jī)場(chǎng)（滕珀?duì)柣舴颍┍Ａ魹殚_放式綠地的民眾公投結(jié)果是一個(gè)相關(guān)的例子，這個(gè)例子表明了民主德國(guó)民間社會(huì)的力量。

4 后 記

以上內(nèi)容簡(jiǎn)要概述了了解德國(guó)城市規(guī)劃和城市發(fā)展政策的基本知識(shí)，顯示了在探索成功規(guī)劃項(xiàng)目和方法的可轉(zhuǎn)移性時(shí)需要考慮的背景條件的復(fù)雜性。贊揚(yáng)成功案例的花哨建筑期刊、受歡迎的趨勢(shì)媒體和飛機(jī)雜志很少告訴讀者為什么某些項(xiàng)目取得了成功。它們展示了令人印象深刻的圖像和引人注目的可視化鳥瞰圖，但很少涉及使項(xiàng)目成功的規(guī)劃和決策過程。關(guān)于成功的敘述只能在更廣泛的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治—行政條件背景下看待。本文介紹了其中一些普遍適用的條件。

在更廣泛的城市和區(qū)域規(guī)劃背景下反映過去的成就，正在為規(guī)劃對(duì)德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)和環(huán)境發(fā)展的微薄貢獻(xiàn)繪制相對(duì)積極的圖景。未來會(huì)有所不同嗎？不可避免的全球化、進(jìn)一步的數(shù)字化以及流向歐洲和德國(guó)的全球移民將為城市和地區(qū)帶來新的挑戰(zhàn)。如何應(yīng)對(duì)這些挑戰(zhàn)的影響（如社會(huì)兩極化和包容性、經(jīng)濟(jì)權(quán)力集中和少數(shù)城市地區(qū)的合格勞動(dòng)力、周邊農(nóng)村地區(qū)的邊緣化或受青睞的城市的住房短缺）將不在規(guī)劃師的控制范圍內(nèi)。規(guī)劃師只能幫助緩和由其他人、政黨、經(jīng)濟(jì)利益集團(tuán)、對(duì)沖基金、金融部門或歐盟委員會(huì)和經(jīng)合組織等國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)或G20峰會(huì)驅(qū)動(dòng)的政策帶來的影響。德國(guó)的規(guī)劃師已經(jīng)采取了以下措施來應(yīng)對(duì)上述發(fā)展趨勢(shì)并更好地為其作準(zhǔn)備。

?推廣和設(shè)計(jì)城市密集化政策：響應(yīng)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和少數(shù)城市地區(qū)人口的進(jìn)一步集中、越來越多的單身家庭、來自非洲和中東的移民流，并考慮生態(tài)問題，城市通過鼓勵(lì)高層建筑，以更好地利用稀缺的城市土地和混合分區(qū)來促進(jìn)城市控制和密集化。

?為市中心區(qū)和城市地區(qū)制訂全面的移動(dòng)性概念：解決城市地區(qū)交通問題的戰(zhàn)略包括優(yōu)先考慮公共交通網(wǎng)絡(luò)、協(xié)調(diào)公共交通系統(tǒng)與土地利用開發(fā)（TOD）和分區(qū)；通過設(shè)立單獨(dú)的自行車線和自行車快車道來推廣自行車交通；在市中心減速并限制停車設(shè)施。

?改善城市可持續(xù)發(fā)展：維持環(huán)境和節(jié)約不可再生資源的措施將不斷挑戰(zhàn)城市和地區(qū)。這些措施包括減少移動(dòng)性、促進(jìn)區(qū)域內(nèi)經(jīng)濟(jì)回路、促進(jìn)現(xiàn)有住房和新建筑的節(jié)能現(xiàn)代化、節(jié)約用水、控制和綠化城市以及轉(zhuǎn)向生物無害的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)。

?制訂有效的農(nóng)村發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略。生活在城市區(qū)域較廣外圍內(nèi)小城鎮(zhèn)和村莊里的人們將逐漸體驗(yàn)到公共服務(wù)的減少。為了在這些處境不利的地區(qū)保持一定的生活質(zhì)量，規(guī)劃師必須利用數(shù)字技術(shù)以及隱性知識(shí)和內(nèi)生人口的合作精神制訂創(chuàng)新戰(zhàn)略。

?監(jiān)測(cè)第四次工業(yè)革命的空間影響：蒸汽機(jī)、鐵路或汽車等技術(shù)創(chuàng)新大大改變了城市和地區(qū)。這種情況也隨著經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)的持續(xù)數(shù)字化而發(fā)生。城市和區(qū)域規(guī)劃師對(duì)技術(shù)創(chuàng)新沒有影響，盡管他們可以監(jiān)測(cè)這些技術(shù)對(duì)城市和地區(qū)生活及工作空間的影響，以指導(dǎo)地方和區(qū)域治理。

遺憾的是，由于市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的主導(dǎo)地位日益增強(qiáng)以及公共部門的持續(xù)消亡，德國(guó)的空間規(guī)劃正逐漸失去其以前的意義和影響。雖然該國(guó)的新規(guī)劃方法正在興起：Heimatplanung（國(guó)土規(guī)劃）。負(fù)責(zé)空間規(guī)劃的聯(lián)邦部門已更名為Ministerium für Inneres, für Bau und Heimat，其網(wǎng)站上此名并不完全準(zhǔn)確地翻譯成“內(nèi)政、建筑和社區(qū)部”。該部門令人驚訝的命名反映了全球化時(shí)期整個(gè)歐洲的流行情緒：Heimat（家鄉(xiāng)）的重新發(fā)現(xiàn)。這導(dǎo)致了BREXIT——法國(guó)右翼運(yùn)動(dòng)的情緒，或匈牙利人對(duì)歐洲的態(tài)度，體現(xiàn)了公民對(duì)他們正在失去文化認(rèn)同的擔(dān)憂。這是一個(gè)很好的機(jī)會(huì)，可以振興他們破碎的聲譽(yù)、提醒政界、重新獲得尊重和影響。城市和區(qū)域規(guī)劃一直是對(duì)生活在家鄉(xiāng)的人民負(fù)責(zé)任的規(guī)劃，而不僅僅是由官僚和律師推動(dòng)和控制的、為投資者和開發(fā)商做的規(guī)劃。保護(hù)家鄉(xiāng)（包括瀕危環(huán)境）一直是城市和區(qū)域規(guī)劃的首要目標(biāo)。過去，德國(guó)在這方面取得了相當(dāng)大的成功。

圖片來源

Figure Sources

圖片均為作者提供。

Provided by the author.

注釋

Notes

1 www.bbsr.bund.de/BBSR/EN/ The portal of the federal German Research Institute of Urban and Regional Planning.

2 www.arl-net.de > Grundri? der Raumordnung und Raumentwicklung. Compendium of Spatial Planning (in German).

3 www.staedtetag.de > The portal of the German Association of Cities.

4 www.tatsachen-ueber-deutschland.de/en, Facts about Germany. The portal with up-to-date statistics, facts and information about Germany.

5 www.denkmalschutz.de.

6 www.shop.arl-net.de/media/direct/pdf/ssd_7.pdf.

Understanding Urban Development in Germany (2)

Klaus R. Kunzmann

3.4 A society rooted in nature

When the Roman soldiers tried to colonize the regions in the North of the Roman territory, German tribes hiding in the vast forests stopped their invasion. Since then forests play an important role for the Germans. Forests have been hunting grounds of feudal landlords and local farmers; they provided the wood for constructing and heating homes, for producing furniture and for nurturing pigs. In modern times they are targets of families and nature lovers, who wish to observe wildlife and to breathe fresh air when hiking or cycling during weekends or summer holidays. Forests are the scenes of world-renowned German fairy tales,from snow-white and the seven dwarfs to H?nsel und Gretel. Forests also play a big role in German Romanticism, the dominant intellectual movement in philosophy, the art and the culture of German speaking countries in the 18th and early 19th centuries. The paintings of C.D. Friedrich at this time are key images and symbols of German longing for nature.

In 2016, the share of land in Germany covered by forests and woodland was around 32 percent. Year by year this share is slowly increasing as a result of structural agricultural change.. 48% of forest land is owned privately. 4% is owned by the Federal state, 26% by the Laender and 19% are mainly in the hands of local governments, the Church or other institutional landowners. Six German beech forests are even listed as UNESCO heritage forests.Rooted in the high regard of forests and nature,sustainability is a fundamental concern of the society. Nature conservation has a long tradition. Two green stakeholders are essential pillars of sustainable development in Germany. The Green Party(Bu?ndnis 90/Die Gru?nen and the BUND (Bund Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland), an in fl uential NGO that is lobbying for nature preservation and sustainable environment.

The green fervour of the German society has been the key motive for establishing a green party in West Germany in 1980. In its beginning, it has just been an ideologically motivated in anti-nuclear and peace movement. Later on the movement turned into a party and became an established political power in the country. It represents basic values and principles of ecological development, self-determination, justice, big data concerns and equal rights for men and women. While sustainability is a rather conservative concept the social aims are more liberal and communitarian. In 1983, the party got political importance, when it succeeded to enter the German Parliament, and in 1985 Joschka Fischer a prominent leader of the party, became thefirst green minister in the federal state of Hessen,responsible for environmental affairs. Later he was even appointed Foreign Minister of Germany.In 1993, after reunification, the East and West German parties focussing on,free and sustainable development joined and established a new party,and renamed it Bu?ndnis 90/Die Gru?nen. The key concern and Leitbild of the party is to promote ecological, economic and social sustainability. In the federal parliament of 2018, the Greens hold 10%of the seats.In the state of Baden-Wu?rttemberg members of the green party are elected city mayors(Stuttgart, Tu?bingen, Freiburg). The acting prime minster in the state that is known for its strong automobile industries, is from the green party, too.At the local level, the Green party battlesfight against gentrification and for affordable housing,sensitive neighbourhood development, unreasonable land consumption at the urban edge and sustainable mobility.

The other important watchdog of sustainable development in Germany is the BUND, a member association with democratic decision-making structures at all levels. It isfinanced exclusively by its own revenues – primarily through membership fees and donations of more than 500,000 people. The association works nationwide on all government levels.Over 2,000 volunteer groups tackle the issues that are important in their region. Such issues are among others the maintenance of nature conservation areas, mobilization against mass-farming plants, organic farming and healthy food, climate protection and development of renewable energies,for the protection of endangered species, forests and water or reconnaissance work with campaigns responding to government policies.

3.5 Culture and identity matter

2000 years have shaped cultural life in Germany.Religion, architecture, the arts and related traditions are pillars of a cultural identity that have contributed considerably to the development of the society and its economy. In times of globalization,global migration flows and multi-cultural ideologies, regional identity and related values have become a concern. As in many other European countries maintaining regional cultural identity in Germany is an important political arena, articulated by both liberal intellectuals and churchyard populists. Thereby language is a key element.

The thorny historical experience is the main motive behind the strict conservation of the remaining historical heritage in German cities and regions.Supported by regulation andfinancial support, and protected and enforced by strict public and media control, maintaining the historical heritage of a city is a main concern of city development. The implementation is guaranteed by stick (control)and carrot policies (subsidies and tax incentives).Developing high rise building in city centres, for example, receives much opposition among local citizens, who still support an old Christian paradigm that the church tower in the city centre should remain the highest structure in the inner city. Many citizens are suspicious of modernist developer-led architecture. Local parochialism and church land ownership in medium sized cities help to conserve the identity of inner city quarters.

Where war demolitions destroyed historical buildings and quarters, some cities, supported by local conservative action groups, even promote the reconstruction of flagship buildings, as it can be seen in Dresden, Potsdam, Berlin or Frankfurt.Wrapping new functional buildings into stylish facades, memorizing the original building is then called memory architecture. Such anti-modernist projects are justified by a combination of cultural and aesthetical values and marketing arguments to attract media coverage and national and international tourists.

3.6 Land ownership and affordable housing

Those who own land, have much power over urban development, in planning and decision-making processes. Who owns the land and property in German cities? Despite a long tradition of land registration in Germany, and for privacy concerns that are an essential concern of German people, there are no statistics of land ownership in the country.Access to information on land ownership is limited to persons who can prove that they have a particular case to get access to the otherwise non-public information of the land register. Private households and local investors own most urban land in Germany. 43% of all Germans own and 53% rent their house or apartment. Other key stakeholders of urban land are local governments, banks, state or local housing associations and development corporations, corporate landowners and the German Railways. In time of globalfinancial fl ows, though only in inner city locations, international hedgeand pension-funds are entering the urban land market. After the Second World War the socialist regime in East Germany had expropriated all private land. After reunification in 1990, this property was restitutioned to the original landowners on the basis of the land register. This political decision caused much bureaucratic red tape and much tension among those, who use and those who own the land.

Compared to other countries in Europe the rental-housing segment is relatively high. Following a long German tradition, many local governments and industrial corporations provide affordable housing for low-income households through their public and corporate housing associations. In the 1990s, however, assuming that the German population will decline, and badly advised by business consultants many local governments sold their public housing stocks to cushion deficit budgets.A few nationally and internationallyfinanced real estate corporations, such as Vonovia, benefitted from the sales. Meanwhile, the local government have stopped the sales and re-strengthened the role of public housing associations.

Landowners pay property tax. This property tax is comparatively low and based on the value of the property at afixed date (1952 in West Germany,1935 in East Germany). The property tax, which is levied by the local government, can differ from city to city. Some Federal states (e.g. ,Berlin) even ask for a property transfer tax (6% of the property value). A reform of the property tax system is under political discussion. The postulated revision aims to modify the outdated calculation of the value of the property and the land.

In the early 21st century, for a number of reasons(immigration, growth of single households, increasing multi-locality of employees, gentrification and vacation rental schemes) affordable housing in Germany has become a key political concern. To provide affordable housing, public housing corporations are urged to build new housing estates.Young citizens are encouraged to establish new housing cooperatives on land given by the local government on favourable terms. In some cities(the city of Munich has been the spearhead) local regulations force private housing investors to rent 30% of the rental housing at an affordable price determined by the local government. The Munich model of “socially fair land use” (sozial gerechte Bodennutzung/SOBON) has become a much-copied approach to provide affordable housing in larger cities.

3.7 Mittelstand and locally rooted family enterprises

The German economy is very much depending on small and medium-sized and family owned enterprises. These enterprises (including crafts and independent professionals) are known under the label Mittelstand. The Mittelstand is a key pillar of the soziale Marktwirtschaft (social market economy) in Germany. It is based on the freedom of economic activity, private ownership, and solidarity, dialogue and cooperation.

Enterprises that are belonging to the Mittelstand are characterized by the unity of ownership, management, liability and risk, the unity of economic existence and leadership as well as the responsible participation of the company management in all relevant business policy decisions. They are not listed on the stock exchange. Investments are usually paid out of profits. As a rule Mittelstand enterprises provide jobs in a range of 250 to 500 employees.

Most, usually family owned enterprises (95%) are rooted locally but many are globally competitive.Predominantly such enterprises are located in small and medium-sized cities, though usually within polycentric larger city regions. The enterprises heavily rely on qualified loyal local labour, making employer-employee ship relations over generations an essential element of success. Larger enterprises strengthen their creativity and innovative power by own research departments, or benefit from close relationship to regional colleges and universities. The management of the Mittelstand, usually organised in the local chambers of trades, crafts and commerce maintains good relations to local governments. They are key players in the local society and an important sponsor for local cultural and sports events. In 2014, the German Mittelstand secured jobs for 58.5% of the German labour force that is subject to social insurance contributions.The Mittelstand contributed 35.3 % to the overall turnover of the German economy and provided on-the-job-training for 81.8 % of all trainees in the private sector.

In times of globalization, however, global competition is affecting the German Mittelstand. As a response, the enterprises cooperate in networks and organize in thematic clusters, while maintaining their entrepreneurial independence. The German automobile and engineering industries depend heavily on the contributions of numerous highly innovative enterprises of the Mittelstand.

3.8 Locallyfinanced urban development

Where do local governments get their money from for the tasks they have to fulfil? Following negotiations between the Federal Government, the Laender and local governments, corporate, income and value added taxes are shared among all three tiers of governments. While corporate tax is shared(50%/50%) between the Federal government and the Laender, income tax is shared (42.5%, 42.5%,15%) between the Federal government, the Laender and local governments. Similarly the value added tax is shared (53.2%, 44.6% 2.2%) between the three tiers of government. In addition, local governments have their own tax income such as the local trade tax (Gewerbesteuer) which differs from city to city, a comparatively low property tax, tourism tax, second home, dog tax and beverage tax.Local governments also receivefinancial contributions from state, federal and European programmes for local projects. As a rule local governments have an interest to provide land for locally registered industries within their city boundaries and, understandingly, they also have an interest to attract af fl uent citizens, who pay income tax locally.

Mandatory tasks of local governments are among others social welfare, education, local roads, public transport, public security orfire protection. In the 2018 budget of Frankfurt (population 2016:730.000) for example, a comparatively rich city,welfare payments eat up 32% of the budget, education 32%, public transport 8%, or security 3%. Expenditures for cultural affairs (e.g. theatres,opera, museums, orchestras, cultural events and cultural centres) are non-mandatory. However, the city of Frankfurt spends 8% of its budget for local cultural institutions and events, a local policyfield,which receives a bigger share of the local budget,that is higher than in most other German cities(except for example Munich). This shows that culture is seen as an important policyfield to profile the banking city.

After having paid local government staff and mandatory expenses, the average German city or county does not have much disposable budget for local investments and creative projects. Consequently local governments have to apply forfinancial project support from the State or from the European Commission, offering a share of 50%project costs and investing much time for tediously bureaucratic applications.

Obviously there are a few rich and a considerable number of poorer cities. Richer cities in Germany are Munich, Wolfsburg, Stuttgart or Ingolstadt,mainly due to the automobile production located in these cities. Poorer cities are Oberhausen, Duisburg and Offenbach, but also Trier or Weimar. As a rule, these are cities, where automobile production is located. They benefit from the export success of these industries. In contrast cities in old industrial regions, such as the Ruhr, or in East Germany,suffering from structural change have considerable difficulties to carry on their mandatory tasks.Cities can make loans to cover their expenses, but the respective Federal Land is obliged to avoid bankruptcy. As a consequence of globalisation and metropolization the disparities between rich and poor local governments are constantly increasing.

3.9 Higher and dual education

Three peculiarities of information are essential to understand the German system of education and research. First, education, from elementary schools to institutes of higher education is exclusively a responsibility of the Laender. The Federal Government has little space to intervene in higher education. Second, dual education is a solid fundament of the German economy. Third basic research in Germany is mainly carried out outside universities at institutes that belong to four independent networks of scientific institutes. Three such networks(Leibnitz, Helmholtz, Max Plank) arefinanced by the Federal Government. One institute(Fraunhofer)is co-financed by the Federal Government and private industries, though specializing in applied research.

Universities and universities of applied sciences(Hochschulen) are accessible for everybody. As a rule, higher education in public universities is free for Germans and foreign students. In addition, around 20% of all students, depending on the income of their parents, receive scholarships from the government to cover parts of their living costs.The number of private universities is negligible,though rising in a few disciplines (business, law,IoT, health). Access to higher education is guaranteed after successful graduation from a broad spectrum of general and professional secondary schools. Apart from architecture, the art, music and medicine there are no access examinations to universities. Following deliberate state policies,universities are located in all large and most medium-sized German cities, allowing students to stay at home during her studies or reach a university by daily commuting from home. Ranking criteria are not important for undergraduate and graduate degrees. Equal quality is assured-across the country by regulations jointly agreed by all state governments. In 2015 around 50% of school graduates continued their education by enrolling at an institute of higher education (in 1970 thefigure was only 11%). Compared to other European (non-German speaking) countries this number is comparatively low. The reason is that vocational training,particularly in the crafts, benefits still from a high reputation in the society.

Vocational education (after obligatory ten years in secondary schools, which do not prepare for university entrance, is an essential dimension of the German education system. It has a long tradition that goes back to guild system in the Middle Ages.Still today it is chosen by around 50 percent of an age group in more than 250fields (from baker to plumber, from bricklayer to car mechanic and cabinet maker, from hairdresser to saleswomen or nurse to electronic specialist or tourist manager).After three years paid on-the-job training, complimented by theoretical and management training in specialized training schools, the trainees receive a professional bachelor degree, and after voluntary three more years, a professional master degree in the respective profession. The organization and assessment of professional education is exclusively self-organized by the chambers of trade, crafts and commerce. The well established-system of dual education explains the high standard of industrial production, which is based on the high professional qualification of its labour force.

Balanced spatial development in Germany also benefits from the decentralized system of education in the country. Easy and free access to education is a crucial factor in providing a high degree liveability in cities and regions. Some of the best German universities are located in medium-sized towns (e.g.Konstanz, G?ttingen, Mu?nster, Jena, Tu?bingen,Freiburg, Erlangen).

3.10 Comprehensive planning education

Well educated planners contribute much to the significant achievements of urban and regional development in the country. Since the beginning of the 20th century, when urban design and planning evolved as a public task, the education of planners in Germany was traditionally done at Schools of Architecture. Graduates from universities who wish to become civil servants in the public sector,had and still have to pass a two years internship in the public sector to qualify for the planning profession. This two years rolling on-the-job programme is designed and exclusively implemented by professional planners in the public sector. The training programme, called Referendariat is similar to the training of lawyers in Germany., who wish to become public lawyers or prosecutors. The access to this programme is limited and competitive. For being accepted to the programme, potential applicants must have a MSc or MA degree (formerly a Dipl. Ing, the engineering degree which is equivalent to a master’s degree) either in architecture,civil engineering, surveying or spatial planning at a university level. Planning education, independent from architectural education, evolved in the late 60s supported by progressive urban managers who had articulated the lack of qualifi?cation among design biased architect planners. Today a few spatial planning schools exist in Germany (Berlin,Dortmund, Kaiserslautern, Hamburg, Kassel and Cottbus. These schools offerfive years comprehensive education in a broad range of subjects focussed on urban and regional development and leading to a (BA /BSc and MA/MSc in planning.The various courses are characterized by research orientation. Communication skills are learnt in the context of group projects dealing with real world challenges. A few thousand planners who have been trained at these schools over the last 50 years have guided urban and regional development in German cities and regions.

3.11 A dense network of urban research

Local and regional governments, as well as the responsible ministries of the Federal Government seek continuously advisory support from urban and regional research institutes. Such, mainly applied practice oriented research is carried out at all universities that are educating planners, urbanists,geographers, sociologists, ecologists and transpor-tation engineers, or by research oriented planning consultants. As a rule research is contracted out by an open tendering process, asking for proposals to press research questions that are linked to current development challenges in cities and regions.Besides such applied research, basic research in urban and regional planning is supported by the German Research Society, which maintains a special chapter on urban and regional research. In addition, four independent research institutes supported by the Leibniz- Gesellschaft (Leibnitz-Association) a network of 93 independent research institutions that range from natural, engineering and environmental sciences, to economics, spatial and social sciences to the humanities. They address issues of social, economic and ecological relevance. The three Leibnitz institutes in Dresden, Erkner/Berlin and Hanover conduct knowledge-driven and applied basic research, maintain scientific infrastructure and provide researchbased services in thefield of urban and regional development. Two more research institutes play a special role in thefield: The Bundesinstitut fu?r Bau, Stadt und Raumforschung im Bundesamt fu?r Bauwesen und Raumordnung (Federal Institute for Research on Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial Development) and the German Institute of Urban Affairs (Deutsches Institut fu?r Urbanistik (DIFU),financed by the Association of German cities..While the BBSR is providing a broad spectrum of data and information on urban and regional development, the DIFU is carrying out urban research and offering thematic training workshops upon request of local governments. Another prominent German research institute is the Institute of Regional and Urban Research (Institut fu?r Landesund Stadtentwicklungsforschung, ILS) a think tank of the state government of North Rhine-Westphalia.

3.12 Public participation and consensus orientation

Public participation in urban development has become a legally required routine in German planning and decision-making processes. Citizens are involved in all (most) processes that have an impact on liveability in neighbourhoods and urban districts. Open hearings and forums are publicly announced and organized by the local planning department, where projects and plans are shown and explained. Citizens can contribute their local knowledge and articulate their concerns. Such public participation processes lead to better understanding of urban development aims and, as a rule, to improve plans and projects. Occasionally,however, such participation has also a negative side. Participation is used (and misused) by citizen action groups to block or just to delay projects (e.g.fl agship projects, motorways, or airport extension)or just to play local party politics. Implementing large urban development projects in Germany that are initiated to solve a local infrastructural problem(e.g., a bridge, a railway station, an urban motorway, a second runway at an airport) or aim to add an architectural fl agship (e.g., a high rise building, a new concert hall or an ambitious urban renewal project) to the local townscape takes considerable time. This is the consequence of a number of reasons. Embedded in an environment of Christian values, a milieu of party politics, strong environmental movements, a self-confident civil society, investigative journalism and in fl uential local and regional media, the discourse on such projects is very controversial. Then consensus has to be found. Aggravated by a constantly increasing number of legal and administrative regulations at all tiers of planning and decision-making (from the local to the European tier) and a growing popular mistrust in professional competence, such projects are permanently screened and revised. This often requires new surveys, newfinancial calculations, new political decisions, new administrative approvals, the revision of contracts, and, after procedural European-wide tendering, the involvement of newly contracted enterprises responsible for the construction.

More than once local governments seek external moderation. Moderation is used as an instrument tofind a compromise between different groups or positions. Independent moderators are engaged or hired tofind a consensus and compromise that all groups involved can accept. Occasionally even local referenda are carried out to receive popular vote for or against a project. The popular referendum to keep the inner city airport of Berlin (Tempelhof) as an open green space is a pertinent example. It shows that the power of the civil society in democratic Germany.

4 Afterword

The above briefly sketched basics to understand urban planning and urban development policies in Germany shows the complexity of contextual conditions that are to be considered when exploring the transferability of successful planning projects and approaches. Fancy architectural journals, popular trend media and airplane magazines praising success stories do rarely inform their readers why certain projects have been successful. They show impressive images and striking bird eye view visualisation, but do rarely dig into the planning and decision-making processes that made a project a success. Success narratives are can only be seen in the context of a broader context of socio-economic and politico-administrative conditions. Some of these conditions have been presented in this paper.Such conditions do not travel.

Re fl ecting past achievements in the wider context of urban and regional planning is painting a relative positive picture of the scanty contribution of planning to economic, social and environmental development in Germany. Will the future be different?Inexorable globalisation, further digitalization and global migration fl ows to Europe and Germany will bring along new challenges for cities and regions.Coping with the implications of these challenges(such as social polarisation and inclusion, concentration of economic power and qualified labour in a few city regions, marginalisation of peripheral rural regions, or housing shortages in favoured cities), will not be in the hand of planners. They can only contribute to locally cushion the implications of policies that are driven by others, by political parties, by economic interest groups, hedge funds,thefinancial sector, or international institutions such as the European Commission and the OECD,or by the G20 summit. What planners in Germany are already doing to react to and better prepare for the above development trends is to

·Promote and design urban densification policies:Reacting to further concentration of economic development and people in a few city regions the increase of increasingly single person households,migration fl ows from Africa and the Middle East,as well as considering ecological concerns, cities promote urban containment and densification by encouraging high-rise buildings, a better use of scarce urban land and mixed zoning.

?Develop comprehensive mobility concepts for inner cities and city regions: Strategies to address traffic problems in city regions include priorizing public transport networks, coordinating public transport systems with land-use development (TOD) and zoning; promoting bicycle transport by building separate bicycle lines and bicycle motorways; reducing speed and limiting parking provision in inner cities.

?Improve sustainable urban development: Measures to sustain the environment and save non-renewable resources will continuously challenge cities and regions. Such measures include among others reducing mobility, promoting intra-regional economic circuits, promoting energy saving modernization of existing housing and new construction, saving water consumption, containing and greening cities as well as shifting to biologically sound agricultural production.

?Formulate efficient rural development strategies.People living in small towns and villages in the wider periphery of city regions will experience a gradual erosion of public services. To maintain a certain quality of life in such disadvantaged territories planners have to develop innovative strategies, using digital technologies as well as the tacit knowledge and the cooperative spirit of endogenous people.

?Monitor the spatial implications of the fourth industrial revolution: Technological innovations such as the steam engine, the railway or the automobile have changed cities and regions considerably. This is happening as well with the ongoing digitalization of the economy and the society.Urban and regional planners have no in fl uence on technological innovations, though they can monitor the spatial implications of such technologies on life and work spaces in cities and regions to guide local and regional governance.

Regrettably, due to the increasing dominance of market-oriented economic development and the continuing demise of the public sector, spatial planning in Germany is gradually loosing its former significance and in fl uence. Albeit a new approach to planning is rising in the country: Heimatplanung (homeland planning). The Federal Ministry responsible for spatial planning has been renamed into Ministerium fu?r Inneres, fu?r Bau und Heimat,on its website not quite accurately translated into Ministry of Interior, Building and Community.This surprising branding of the Ministry re fl ects a popular mood across Europe in times of globalisation: the rediscovery of the Heimat. This mood,which has caused the BREXIT, the rightwing movement in France, or the Hungarian attitude towards Europe, is the worries of citizens that they are losing cultural identity. This is a good chance to revitalise their shattered reputation and remind political arenas and to regain respect and in fl uence.Urban and regional planning has always been responsible planning for people in their homelands,not just planning for investors and developers, promoted and controlled by bureaucrats and lawyers.Protecting the Heimat, including the endangered environment has always been the overarching aim of urban and regional planning. In the past, Germany has been quite successful in doing so.