By+Steven+Bertoni

現(xiàn)年36歲的賈里德·庫(kù)什納是名副其實(shí)的“高富帥”：身高一米九、有著英俊面龐的他是哈佛畢業(yè)的高材生，是紐約成功的地產(chǎn)商人兼媒體老板，有令人羨慕的事業(yè)和家庭，更是美國(guó)現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)唐納德·特朗普的乘龍快婿、得力干將。今年4月，庫(kù)什納入選美國(guó)《時(shí)代周刊》年度“全球100位最具影響力人物榜”，再一次吸引了公眾的眼球。這位“第一女婿”究竟是如何獲得特朗普的信任并將其推上總統(tǒng)寶座的？且隨本文一起走近賈里德·庫(kù)什納，了解當(dāng)年美國(guó)大選背后的故事。

Its been one week since Donald Trump pulled off the biggest upset in modern political history， and his headquarters at Trump Tower in New York City is a 58-story， onyx1）-glassed lightning rod. Barricades， TV trucks and protesters frame a fortified Fifth Avenue. Armies of journalists and selfie-seeking tourists stalk Trump Towers pink marble lobby， hoping to snap the next political power player who steps into view. Twenty-six floors up， the president-elect is choosing his Cabinet.

Winners will emerge shortly. The most compelling figure， however， wasnt in Trump Tower. Jared Kushner was three blocks south， high up in his own skyscraper， where he oversees his familys Kushner Companies real estate empire. Trumps son-in-law， dressed in an impeccably2） tailored gray suit， sitting on a brown leather couch in his impeccably neat office， displays the impeccably polite manners that won the 35-year-old a dizzying number of influential friends even before he had gained the ear， and trust， of the new leader of the free world. A year ago he had zero experience in politics and about as much interest in it. Suddenly he sits at its global center.

Running the Trump Campaign

Kushner almost never speaks publicly， but interviews with him and a dozen people around him and the Trump camp lead to an inescapable fact： The quiet， enigmatic young mogul delivered the presidency to the most fame-hungry， bombastic candidate in American history.

“Jared Kushner is the biggest surprise of the 2016 election，” says Eric Schmidt， the former CEO of Google. “Best I can tell， he actually ran the campaign and did it with essentially no resources.”

No resources at the beginning， perhaps. Underfunded3） throughout， for sure. But by running the Trump campaign—notably， its secret data operation—like a Silicon Valley startup， Kushner eventually tipped the states that swung the election4）. And he did so in a manner that will change the way future elections will be won and lost. President Obama had unprecedented success in targeting， organizing and motivating voters. But a lot has changed in eight years. Specifically social media. Clinton did borrow from Obamas playbook5） but also leaned on traditional media. The Trump campaign， meanwhile， delved into message tailoring， sentiment manipulation and machine learning. The traditional campaign is dead， another victim of the unfiltered democracy of the Web—and Kushner， more than anyone not named Donald Trump， killed it.

That achievement， coupled with the personal trust Trump has in him， uniquely positions Kushner to be a power broker6） of the highest order for at least four years. “Every president Ive ever known has one or two people he intuitively trusts，” says former secretary of state Henry Kissinger， “I think Jared might be that person.”

Jared Kushners ascent from Ivanka Trumps little-known husband to Donald Trumps campaign savior happened gradually. In the early days of the scrappy7） campaign， it was all hands on deck8）， with Kushner helping research policy positions on tax and trade. But as the campaign gained steam9）， other players began using him as a trusted conduit10） to an erratic11） candidate. “I helped facilitate a lot of relationships that wouldnt have happened otherwise，” Kushner says， adding that people felt safe speaking with him， without risk of leaks.

Kushners role expanded as the Trump ticket gained traction—so did his enthusiasm. Kushner went all-in with Trump last November after seeing his father-in-law pack12） a raucous13） arena in Springfield， Illinois， on a Monday night. “People really saw hope in his message，” he says. “They wanted the things that wouldnt have been obvious to a lot of people I would meet in the New York media world or the Upper East Side14）.” And so this Harvard-educated child of privilege put on a bright-red Make American Great Again hat and rolled up his sleeves.

Just as Trumps unorthodox style allowed him to win the Republican nomination， Kushners lack of political experience became an advantage. Unschooled in traditional campaigning， he was able to look at the business of politics the way so many Silicon Valley entrepreneurs have sized up other bloated industries.

“Jared understood the online world in a way the traditional media folks didnt. He managed to assemble a presidential campaign on a shoestring15） using new technology and won. Thats a big deal，” says Schmidt， the Google billionaire. “Remember all those articles about how they had no money， no people， organizational structure？ Well， they won， and Jared ran it.”

His Family

Controlled， understated and calm， Jared Kushner couldnt be more different from his father-in-law in personality and style. Take Twitter. While Trumps impulsive tweeting to his 15.5 million followers reportedly forced his staff to withhold his phone during parts of the campaign， Kushner has never posted a single tweet.

And whereas Trumps office is wall-to-wall16） Donald， a memorabilia17）-stuffed shrine to ego， the headquarters for the Kushner Companies is sparse and sober. A leather-bound copy of Jewish teachings， the Pirkei Avot18）， sits on a wooden pedestal19） in the reception room， and identical silver mezuzahs20） adorn the side of each office door. The only decoration in his large， terraced boardroom is an oil painting of his grandparents， Holocaust survivors who immigrated to the U.S. after World War II. But enter Kushners corner office and you see—under a painting with the words “Dont Panic” over a canvas of New York Observer pages—two critical commonalities that unite the pair： columns of real estate deal trophies and framed photos of Ivanka. If you are looking for a consistent ideology from either Kushner or Trump， it can be summarized in a word： family.

Jared and Ivanka met at a business lunch and started dating in 2007. During the courtship Kushner had met Donald only a few times in passing when， sensing the relationship was getting serious， he asked Trump for a meeting. Over lunch at the Trump Grill， they discussed the couples future. “I said， ‘Ivanka and I are getting serious， and were starting to go down that path，” Kushner says and laughs.

“He said， ‘Youd better be serious on this.”

“Jared and my father initially bonded over a combination of me and real estate，” Ivanka Trump says in her Trump Tower offices. “Theres a lot of parallels between Jared as a developer and my father in the early years of his development career.”

Like Trump， Kushner grew up outside Manhattan： New Jersey in Kushners case， versus Trumps Queens. Also like Trump， Kushner is the son of a man who created a real estate empire in his local market—Charles Kushner eventually controlled 25，000 apartments across the Northeast—and steeped his children in the family business. “My father never really believed in summer camp， so wed come with him to the office，” Kushner says. “Wed go look at jobs， work on construction sites. It taught us real work.” Raised with three siblings in an observant Jewish home in Livingston， New Jersey， Kushner went to a private Jewish high school and then to Harvard. Next came New York University， for a joint J.D. and M.B.A.

During grad school Kushner interned for Manhattans longtime district attorney， Robert Morgenthau， before a family scandal upended his life. In 2004 Charles Kushner pleaded21） guilty to tax evasion， illegal campaign contributions and witness tampering.

Just 24， Jared， as the elder son， suddenly found himself charged with keeping the family together. He saw his mother most days and flew to Alabama to visit his father in prison on most weekends. He also developed a deeper bond with his brother， Josh， who had just started Harvard when the scandal broke. Says Josh， who considers Jared his best friend： “He is the person that I turn to for guidance and support no matter the circumstance.”

“The whole thing taught me not to worry about the things you cant control，” Kushner says. “You can control how you react and can try to make things happen as you want them to. I focus on doing my best to ensure the outcomes. And when it doesnt go my way I have to work harder the next time.”

His Core Conviction

Part of the reason Jared Kushner has engendered such public interest， besides the power he suddenly wields and the curiosity generated by his near-invisible media presence， is the paradoxes that he represents.

He brought the Silicon Valley ethos， which values openness and inclusiveness， to a campaign that promised closed borders， trade protection and religious exclusion. A grandson of Holocaust survivors who serves a man who has advocated a ban on war refugees. A fact-driven lawyer whose chosen candidate called global warming a hoax， linked vaccines to autism and challenged President Obamas citizenship. A media mogul in a campaign stoked22） by fake news.

Kushners answers to these conflicts come down to one core conviction—his unflagging23） faith in Donald Trump. A faith that he defends with the “data” hes accumulated about the man over a decade-plus relationship.

“If I know somebody and everyone else says that this persons a terrible person，” he says， “Im not going to start thinking that this persons a terrible person or disassociating myself， when my empirical24） data and experience is a lot more informed than many of the people casting these judgments. What would that say about me if I changed my view based on what other people think， as opposed to the facts that I actually know for myself？”

And that seems to reflect how Kushner feels about friends upset by his role in electing someone who offends their values， to the point where， before the election， several wrote to him in fits of pique25）. “I call it an exfoliation26）. Anyone who was willing to change a friendship or not do business because of who somebody supports in politics is not somebody who has a lot of character.” “People are very fickle27），” he adds. “You have to find what you believe in， challenge your truths. And if you believe in something， even if its unpopular， you have to push with it.”

Many of those fickle friends are likely to return now that Kushner， after masterminding Trumps stunning victory， has the ear of the future president. What he will do with that power is anyones guess.

“I assume hell be in the White House throughout the entire presidency，” says News Corp. billionaire Rupert Murdoch. “For the next four or eight years hell be a strong voice， maybe even the strongest after the vice president.”

距離唐納德·特朗普實(shí)現(xiàn)現(xiàn)代政治歷史上最大的反轉(zhuǎn)已經(jīng)一周之久了（編注：英文原文發(fā)表于2016年11月22日）。其總部特朗普大廈位于紐約市，是一座高58層、外墻由縞瑪瑙玻璃裝飾的建筑，就像一根避雷針。路障、電視采訪車以及抗議者紛紛聚集在戒備森嚴(yán)的第五大道外圍。各路的新聞工作者和沉迷于自拍的游客出沒在特朗普大廈粉紅色的大理石大廳，只等這位新任政治權(quán)力玩家一露面，就拍下其身影。而在樓上的26層，這位侯任總統(tǒng)正在決定他的內(nèi)閣人選。

入選名單不久便會(huì)公布。然而，最引人注目的人物并不在特朗普大廈內(nèi)。賈里德·庫(kù)什納在此處以南三個(gè)街區(qū)之外，高坐于自己的摩天大樓中，從那里他可以俯視自家?guī)焓布{集團(tuán)的房地產(chǎn)帝國(guó)。特朗普的這位女婿穿著無(wú)可挑剔的定制灰色西裝，坐在自己整潔得無(wú)可挑剔的辦公室里的棕色皮沙發(fā)上，舉手投足溫文爾雅，無(wú)可挑剔。即使在他還未獲得這個(gè)自由世界新領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的賞識(shí)和信任之前，這個(gè)35歲的年輕人憑借其優(yōu)雅風(fēng)度結(jié)交了大量舉足輕重的朋友。一年前，他還從未涉足政治領(lǐng)域，對(duì)其也毫無(wú)興趣。一夜之間，他便置身于全球政治的中心位置。

掌舵特朗普競(jìng)選

庫(kù)什納幾乎未曾公開發(fā)表過(guò)演說(shuō)，但對(duì)他的采訪以及對(duì)他身邊及特朗普陣營(yíng)十幾個(gè)人的采訪無(wú)不表明這樣一個(gè)事實(shí)：這位內(nèi)斂而神秘的年輕巨亨為美國(guó)歷史上最追求名望、夸夸其談的候選人贏得了總統(tǒng)之位。

谷歌前CEO埃里克·施密特表示：“賈里德·庫(kù)什納是2016年大選中最大的驚喜。就我知道的情況看，他實(shí)際負(fù)責(zé)此次競(jìng)選，并且基本上沒什么資源?！?/p>

一開始可能真的沒什么資源。整個(gè)競(jìng)選過(guò)程中資金肯定也不充足。但以運(yùn)作硅谷新公司的方式來(lái)運(yùn)作特朗普的競(jìng)選，尤其是其秘密的數(shù)據(jù)運(yùn)作，庫(kù)什納最終撬動(dòng)了那些搖擺州。而他的做法將改變未來(lái)決定總統(tǒng)選舉勝負(fù)的方式。奧巴馬總統(tǒng)曾在對(duì)其選民的確定、組織和動(dòng)員方面取得過(guò)空前的成功。但八年來(lái)許多事情都發(fā)生了變化，尤其是社交媒體。希拉里陣營(yíng)確實(shí)借鑒了奧巴馬的戰(zhàn)略經(jīng)驗(yàn)，但還是依賴于傳統(tǒng)媒體。與此同時(shí)，特朗普陣營(yíng)則細(xì)致研究信息定制、情感操控和機(jī)器學(xué)習(xí)。傳統(tǒng)的競(jìng)選已經(jīng)死了，成為泥沙俱下的網(wǎng)絡(luò)民主的又一個(gè)犧牲品——對(duì)于其死亡，庫(kù)什納比唐納德·特朗普之外的其他任何人都發(fā)揮了更大的作用。

這樣的成就，加上特朗普個(gè)人對(duì)其的信任，使得庫(kù)什納在接下來(lái)至少四年內(nèi)，成為唯一的最高級(jí)別的權(quán)力經(jīng)紀(jì)人。美國(guó)前國(guó)務(wù)卿亨利·基辛格說(shuō)：“據(jù)我所知，每位總統(tǒng)都有一兩位本能上非常信任的人。我覺得賈里德很可能就是這樣的人?！?/p>

賈里德·庫(kù)什納從伊萬(wàn)卡·特朗普默默無(wú)聞的丈夫擢升為唐納德·特朗普競(jìng)選的救星，這經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)循序漸進(jìn)的過(guò)程。剛開始的時(shí)候競(jìng)選雜亂無(wú)章，所有人都上陣，庫(kù)什納協(xié)助研究在稅收和貿(mào)易問題上應(yīng)采取什么樣的政策立場(chǎng)。但是隨著競(jìng)選聲勢(shì)越來(lái)越大，其他相關(guān)人員開始將他當(dāng)作可信任的渠道，來(lái)和那位不按常理出牌的候選人進(jìn)行溝通。庫(kù)什納說(shuō)：“我協(xié)助建立了許多關(guān)系，這些關(guān)系原本不可能建立?！彼€表示，人們和他交談很放心，不用擔(dān)心談話會(huì)被泄露。

隨著特朗普選票的增多，庫(kù)什納所起的作用也愈發(fā)重要，他的熱情也隨之高漲。2015年11月一個(gè)星期一的夜晚，他看到岳父在伊利諾伊州斯普林菲爾德市一個(gè)競(jìng)選集會(huì)場(chǎng)所揮斥方遒，全場(chǎng)擠滿的人為之吶喊，之后便全身心投入到競(jìng)選當(dāng)中。他說(shuō)：“人們?cè)谒难葜v中真正看到了希望。他們想要的那些東西，都是我在紐約的媒體圈子和上東區(qū)遇到的很多人察覺不到的?！庇谑?，這位哈佛出身的權(quán)貴公子戴上印有“讓美國(guó)再次偉大”的大紅色帽子，擼起袖子準(zhǔn)備大干一場(chǎng)。

特朗普離經(jīng)叛道的風(fēng)格為他贏得了共和黨的提名，同樣，庫(kù)什納在政治領(lǐng)域的一片空白也成了一個(gè)優(yōu)勢(shì)。他沒有學(xué)習(xí)過(guò)傳統(tǒng)的競(jìng)選技巧，反倒能以許多硅谷的企業(yè)家看待過(guò)剩產(chǎn)業(yè)的眼光來(lái)看待政治事務(wù)。

谷歌億萬(wàn)富翁施密特說(shuō)：“賈里德對(duì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)世界的理解與傳統(tǒng)媒體人士完全不同。他利用新技術(shù)，沒花多少錢就組織起了一場(chǎng)總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選，并贏取了勝利。這是件了不起的事。還記得很多報(bào)道都說(shuō)過(guò)他們?nèi)绾稳卞X，如何缺人，如何缺乏組織架構(gòu)嗎？可是，他們贏了，掌舵人就是賈里德?！?/p>

他的家庭

賈里德·庫(kù)什納自律、低調(diào)、冷靜，在性格和風(fēng)格上與他的岳父存在天壤之別。以推特為例，特朗普會(huì)憑一時(shí)沖動(dòng)向他的1550萬(wàn)關(guān)注者推送消息，據(jù)說(shuō)這迫使他的團(tuán)隊(duì)在競(jìng)選的部分階段沒收了他的手機(jī)，而庫(kù)什納則從未發(fā)過(guò)一條推文。

而且，特朗普的辦公室隨處可見特朗普的痕跡，到處都是特朗普的紀(jì)念品，如同一所自我崇拜的神堂，而庫(kù)什納集團(tuán)的總部則空曠而樸素。一本皮面裝訂本的猶太教義《父輩的倫理》放在接待室的木質(zhì)底座上，每間辦公室的門框上都裝飾著一模一樣的銀質(zhì)門柱圣卷。在他帶有露天平臺(tái)的大會(huì)議室里，唯一的裝飾物是一幅畫有他祖父母的油畫。他的祖父母是猶太人大屠殺的幸存者，二戰(zhàn)后移民來(lái)到美國(guó)。但進(jìn)入庫(kù)什納在轉(zhuǎn)角處的辦公室后，你會(huì)看到一幅印有《紐約觀察家》報(bào)版面的油畫，畫上印有“Dont Panic”（意為“處變不驚”）的字樣。在畫的下方，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)可將庫(kù)什納和特朗普聯(lián)系在一起的兩個(gè)重要的共性：一排排房地產(chǎn)交易的獎(jiǎng)杯和鑲有相框的伊萬(wàn)卡的照片。如果你想尋找?guī)焓布{和特朗普在思想上有什么共性，有一個(gè)詞可以概括：家庭。

賈里德和伊萬(wàn)卡是在一個(gè)商業(yè)午餐會(huì)上相遇的，兩人2007年開始約會(huì)。戀愛期間，庫(kù)什納僅僅順便見了唐納德幾面。當(dāng)庫(kù)什納覺得兩人的關(guān)系漸漸確定下來(lái)后，他提出要正式拜會(huì)特朗普。在特朗普燒烤餐廳，他們討論了這對(duì)情侶的未來(lái)。庫(kù)什納笑著說(shuō)：“我說(shuō)，‘伊萬(wàn)卡和我是認(rèn)真的，而且我們準(zhǔn)備相處下去?！?/p>

“唐納德說(shuō)，‘這件事上，你最好不要開玩笑?！?/p>

“賈里德和我父親一開始是因?yàn)槲液头康禺a(chǎn)聯(lián)系在了一起，賈里德作為一個(gè)房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)商，與青年時(shí)期開辟事業(yè)的父親有很多相似之處。”伊萬(wàn)卡·特朗普在特朗普大廈里自己的辦公室中這樣說(shuō)道。

跟特朗普一樣，庫(kù)什納成長(zhǎng)于曼哈頓之外的地方：庫(kù)什納在新澤西州長(zhǎng)大，特朗普則在皇后區(qū)。另一個(gè)相似之處在于，庫(kù)什納跟特朗普一樣，都是當(dāng)?shù)胤慨a(chǎn)大鱷之子——查爾斯·庫(kù)什納最終握有東北地區(qū)25000處公寓，并讓自己的孩子們浸淫在家族產(chǎn)業(yè)之中。庫(kù)什納說(shuō)：“我父親從沒有真正相信過(guò)夏令營(yíng)，所以我們跟著他去辦公室，我們得看別人是怎么工作的，要在建筑工地上打工。這教會(huì)我們?nèi)绾握嬲ぷ??！睅?kù)什納和三個(gè)兄弟姐妹一同在新澤西州利文斯頓市一個(gè)遵守教義的猶太家庭中長(zhǎng)大，后來(lái)進(jìn)入一所私人猶太高中，隨后在哈佛大學(xué)讀書。畢業(yè)之后他前往紐約大學(xué)，攻讀法學(xué)博士和MBA雙學(xué)位。

讀研期間，庫(kù)什納在曼哈頓一位老牌地方檢察官羅伯特·摩根索的手下做實(shí)習(xí)生。后來(lái)，他的人生因家族丑聞而徹底改變。2004年，查爾斯·庫(kù)什納承認(rèn)了逃稅、非法提供競(jìng)選資金和干擾證人的罪狀。

當(dāng)時(shí)賈里德才24歲，作為長(zhǎng)子，他一夜之間發(fā)現(xiàn)自己身負(fù)維系家庭的責(zé)任。他大部分時(shí)間都會(huì)去探望母親，大多數(shù)周末會(huì)飛到亞拉巴馬州去探望正在坐牢的父親。丑聞爆發(fā)之初，他弟弟喬希才剛剛進(jìn)入哈佛，這件事使得兩兄弟的手足之情更加深厚。喬希將哥哥視為密友，他說(shuō)：“無(wú)論出現(xiàn)什么情況，我都會(huì)向哥哥尋求幫助和支持?！?/p>

庫(kù)什納說(shuō)：“這一切教會(huì)我不要去擔(dān)心自己無(wú)法掌控的事情。你可以掌控的是如何應(yīng)對(duì)以及嘗試讓事情按照你想要的方式去發(fā)展。我一門心思竭盡全力，以確保能有好的結(jié)果。當(dāng)結(jié)果并不如我所愿時(shí)，我只能下次更加努力?！?/p>

他的核心信仰

賈里德·庫(kù)什納引起公眾如此的關(guān)注，除了他突然擁有的權(quán)力以及因?yàn)樗麕缀醪辉诿襟w露面所引發(fā)的好奇心之外，部分也是因?yàn)樗宫F(xiàn)出的矛盾性。

他將硅谷注重開放和包容性的氣質(zhì)帶入一場(chǎng)承諾關(guān)閉邊境、貿(mào)易保護(hù)和宗教排斥的競(jìng)選。他是猶太人大屠殺幸存者的后裔，卻服務(wù)于一個(gè)提倡限制戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)難民的人。他是一位注重事實(shí)的律師，卻選擇了一位稱全球變暖為騙局、將疫苗接種與自閉癥聯(lián)系起來(lái)以及質(zhì)疑奧巴馬總統(tǒng)公民權(quán)的競(jìng)選人。他是一位傳媒大亨，卻掌舵一場(chǎng)由虛假新聞催生的競(jìng)選。

對(duì)于所有這些矛盾，庫(kù)什納的答案都在于一個(gè)核心信仰——對(duì)于唐納德·特朗普，他深信不疑。他用與特朗普十多年的關(guān)系積累下來(lái)的“數(shù)據(jù)”來(lái)維護(hù)自己的這份信任。

他表示：“如果我認(rèn)識(shí)某個(gè)人，但其他人都說(shuō)這個(gè)人很差勁，當(dāng)我自己所掌握的實(shí)際數(shù)據(jù)和經(jīng)驗(yàn)比其他很多做出這些判斷的人更豐富時(shí)，我不會(huì)就此認(rèn)為那個(gè)人很差勁，也不會(huì)因此與之保持距離。如果我置自己掌握的事實(shí)于不顧，隨大流改變自己的看法，那外界又會(huì)怎么看我呢？”

這似乎反映了庫(kù)什納對(duì)于有些朋友的態(tài)度。這些朋友因?yàn)閹?kù)什納選擇了違背他們價(jià)值觀的參選人而苦惱萬(wàn)分，有幾個(gè)人甚至在選舉開始之前還惱怒地給庫(kù)什納寫過(guò)信?！拔野堰@看作是一個(gè)剝離的過(guò)程。僅僅因?yàn)槲以谡紊现С帜硞€(gè)人，就想要終止一段友誼或停止商業(yè)往來(lái)的人，定力都不夠?！彼€說(shuō)：“人們總是非常善變。你必須找到自己的信仰，挑戰(zhàn)你所認(rèn)為的真理。如果你堅(jiān)信某些東西，即使那并非主流，你也要堅(jiān)持下去?！?/p>

庫(kù)什納運(yùn)籌帷幄幫特朗普意外贏得大選后，獲得了這位未來(lái)總統(tǒng)的賞識(shí)，因而許多善變的朋友可能都會(huì)回來(lái)。而他將如何運(yùn)用這份權(quán)力，這誰(shuí)都拿不準(zhǔn)。

新聞集團(tuán)的億萬(wàn)富翁魯伯特·默多克表示：“我確信，在特朗普在任期間，庫(kù)什納會(huì)一直在白宮。在未來(lái)的四年或八年里，他會(huì)發(fā)出強(qiáng)有力的聲音，甚至僅次于副總統(tǒng)?！?/p>

特朗普大廈

1. onyx [??n?ks] n. [礦]縞瑪瑙

2. impeccably [?m?pek?b（?）li] adv. 無(wú)可挑剔地

3. underfunded [??nd?（r）?f?nd?d] adj. 資金不足的

4. 指“搖擺州”（swing state），美國(guó)大選中的特有說(shuō)法，即競(jìng)選雙方勢(shì)均力敵、均無(wú)明顯優(yōu)勢(shì)的州。這些州在大選中頻頻搖擺，倒向不同的政黨，其選票是競(jìng)選雙方爭(zhēng)奪的重點(diǎn)。搖擺州的動(dòng)向往往直接影響大選的結(jié)果。

5. playbook [?ple?b?k] n. [橄]戰(zhàn)略和比賽方法手冊(cè)

6. power broker：（能影響有權(quán)勢(shì)人物以操縱權(quán)力的）權(quán)力經(jīng)紀(jì)人

7. scrappy [?skr?pi] adj. 零碎的;支離破碎的

8. all hands on deck：原意為“全體船員各就各位”，即當(dāng)船遇險(xiǎn)或發(fā)生緊急情況時(shí)，要求所有船員上甲板共同面對(duì)?，F(xiàn)用于號(hào)召所有人同心合力應(yīng)對(duì)需要及時(shí)完成的事情。

9. gain steam：開始發(fā)展壯大

10. conduit [?k?nd?t] n. 渠道;管道

11. erratic [??r?t?k] adj. 不規(guī)則的;不正常的;反復(fù)無(wú)常的，難以預(yù)測(cè)的

12. pack [p?k] vt. 塞滿，（使）擠滿

13. raucous [?r??k?s] adj. 喧鬧的

14. the Upper East Side：上東區(qū)，位于紐約曼哈頓，美國(guó)有名的富人區(qū)。

15. on a shoestring：用很少的錢做或辦某事

16. wall-to-wall：無(wú)處不在的，到處可見的

17. memorabilia [?mem（?）r??b?li?] n. （有關(guān)某人的）值得紀(jì)念的事物，紀(jì)念品

18. Pirkei Avot：猶太教經(jīng)典《父輩的倫理》

19. pedestal [?ped?st（?）l] n. 底座

20. mezuzah [me?zu?z?] n. 門柱圣卷，猶太人在門框上掛放的經(jīng)文楣銘

21. plead [pli?d] vt. [律]承認(rèn)，認(rèn)罪

22. stoke [st??k] vt. 煽起，鼓動(dòng)

23. unflagging [?n?fl?ɡ??] adj. 不減弱的，不改變的

24. empirical [?m?p?r?k（?）l] adj. 實(shí)證的;以經(jīng)驗(yàn)為依據(jù)的

25. in fits of pique：賭氣地;慍怒地

26. exfoliation [eks?f??li?e??（?）n] n. 剝落;脫落

27. fickle [?f?k（?）l] adj. （在感情等方面）易變的