肖唐金，肖志鵬

一、前言

跨文化交際翻譯學(xué)從跨文化交際角度探討翻譯理論與實踐，結(jié)合多個學(xué)科視野，具有跨學(xué)科、跨文化、跨語言三大特征(參見肖唐金[1]23-38)。鑒于此，跨文化交際翻譯學(xué)可從多個學(xué)科路徑開展。這有別于傳統(tǒng)的形式等值、功能等值理論。翻譯理論可整合其他學(xué)科的觀點，并根據(jù)相關(guān)視角提出具體翻譯步驟或程序。這一轉(zhuǎn)變可視作“多學(xué)科方法論”(multidisciplinary or interdisciplinary approaches)。本文擬從敘事視角探討中國少數(shù)民族文化漢譯英的理論建構(gòu)與實踐，充實跨文化交際翻譯學(xué)這一領(lǐng)域。

二、文獻回顧

“敘事”(narrative)是許多學(xué)科的一個重要概念，如文學(xué)敘事、社會學(xué)敘事、二語習(xí)得敘事。在不同的領(lǐng)域，敘事涉及的內(nèi)容、方法、技術(shù)手段等有所不同，但都離不開主角、旁觀者的經(jīng)歷體會，是構(gòu)建學(xué)科的一條重要路徑。敘事學(xué)理論起源于20世紀的文學(xué)批評研究，弗拉基米爾·普洛普、羅蘭·巴特、托多羅夫、熱奈特、格雷馬斯等為重要研究者。敘事劃分為“故事”和“話語”兩個大層次，敘事涉及三個層面——詞義、句法和詞匯，敘事問題涉及三個語法范疇——時間、語體和語式。結(jié)構(gòu)語言學(xué)提出了所指與能指兩個概念，格雷馬斯的符號敘事借用了索緒爾的這一結(jié)構(gòu)語言學(xué)觀點。語言學(xué)中的能指(signifier)是語言符號，而所指(signified)則是客觀世界、精神世界中的物體、人物、現(xiàn)象、事實、情感等，包括具體和抽象兩個方面。文學(xué)敘事中，能指與所指存在一對一、一對多、多對一等現(xiàn)象，值得研究。

在文學(xué)創(chuàng)作以及文學(xué)研究乃至二語教育中，敘事學(xué)理論得到了廣泛的運用，其中敘事空間、敘事人稱、圓形人物與扁平人物是常提及的概念。根據(jù)李世卓的觀點[2]14-16，成長小說可體現(xiàn)典型的敘事故事結(jié)構(gòu)：誘惑-出走-考驗-迷惘-頓悟-失去天真-認識人生和自我。敘事修辭學(xué)指出敘事除了“作者”與“作者聲音”外，還涵蓋“隱含的作者”與“隱含的聲音”。游瀾、余岱宗[3]111-119提出了感知敘事理念，包括感覺敘事、知覺敘事兩個方面，敘事就是知覺對感覺的組織和整合的結(jié)果，即內(nèi)部對外部世界的概念化，形成對事物和環(huán)境事件的認識。文學(xué)作品中的人物性格迥異，在文本中的作用各有千秋，感知敘事理論可以讓我們透析人物精神世界與外部行為的特點、對應(yīng)。敘事涉及故事、話語與敘事行為，三個方面有機結(jié)合在一起，經(jīng)過敘事開篇、話題導(dǎo)入和/或話題轉(zhuǎn)移、情節(jié)結(jié)束三個階段。方梅[4]1-13研究了話本小說的開場套路，在正式開始敘述前需一段引辭，以“詞曰”“詩曰”“話說”之類開場，在話題轉(zhuǎn)移時往往會用上“單說”以及若干互動性、評價性元話語(如“諸位有所不知”“聞所未聞”)。這些模式是話本小說的敘事模式。趙崇璧[5]147-153探討了重復(fù)敘事的空間邏輯，空間重復(fù)可分化為聚合、互補、復(fù)調(diào)三種邏輯形式，對于敘事的貢獻各不一樣。Swain、Kinnear、Steinman[6]將敘事視角看作社會文化理論的一部分，用于第二語言教育研究。第二語言教育涉及二語習(xí)得、翻譯教學(xué)等，因此敘事視角對于這些領(lǐng)域的理論拓展與實踐具有指導(dǎo)性作用。

翻譯理論在過去20～30年得到了突飛猛進，已經(jīng)不再局限于傳統(tǒng)意義的形式或功能等值、信達雅了，文化轉(zhuǎn)向、語言學(xué)轉(zhuǎn)向、多學(xué)科轉(zhuǎn)向成為翻譯研究的熱點。Baker[7]158-176提出了敘事翻譯方法論，將敘事學(xué)的觀點引入到翻譯理論與實踐中，受到了House[8]的肯定。Mason[9]36-54從社會學(xué)的角度審視了翻譯理論與實踐，將翻譯看作為社會-文本實踐(socio-textual practice)，目標語文本是協(xié)商、強化或挑戰(zhàn)權(quán)勢關(guān)系的路徑。Snell-Hornby[10]研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，自20世紀80年代以來，翻譯理論與實踐發(fā)生了“文化轉(zhuǎn)向”，具體體現(xiàn)在目的論、操縱論、接受美學(xué)、法庭翻譯、廣告翻譯、同聲傳譯、基于性別的翻譯、基于語料的翻譯等理論與實踐上，這是對Nida的功能等值論的進一步深化。鑒于翻譯理論與實踐的文化轉(zhuǎn)向與新時代我們優(yōu)秀民族文化走向世界舞臺的精神吻合，因此有必要從文化角度探討中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳的漢譯英。敘事翻譯理念提出的時間不長，這方面的研究有限。下面我們將首先介紹翻譯的敘事視角，接著通過中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英具體事例闡述敘事翻譯模式類型、程序，充實敘事翻譯理論框架，點明敘事翻譯實踐所涉及的方方面面。

三、翻譯的敘事視角

Baker[11]為我們闡述了翻譯的敘事視角的基本理論。翻譯的敘事視角與社會敘事(socio-narrative)或社會學(xué)敘事(sociological narrative)路徑有著直接的關(guān)系，將敘事視為理解世界以及我們在世界的位置、角色的方式，是視野更廣、具有建構(gòu)性質(zhì)(constructivist)的方式。這一視角源于針對人、環(huán)境、環(huán)境中傳播的故事之間關(guān)系的兩個假設(shè)。其一，對于現(xiàn)實我們經(jīng)常缺乏直接、不加媒介的接觸，具體來講，我們對現(xiàn)實的接觸是通過對我們生活的世界的自我敘事或向他者敘事得以實現(xiàn)的。其二，我們敘述的故事不僅是我們接觸現(xiàn)實的媒介，也參與現(xiàn)實的構(gòu)建。因此，翻譯可看作一種敘事(或再敘事)的形式，它構(gòu)建(construct)而不是表征(represent)用另外一種語言再敘述(re-narrate)的事件和人物(character)。在翻譯敘事路徑中，譯者(包括筆譯者和口譯者)并非對于翻譯行為之外的文化碰撞(cultural encounters)扮演中介作用，而是參與這些文化碰撞的構(gòu)建(configuring)。譯者嵌入在敘事中，通過翻譯手段的選擇對敘事進行闡述、修改、改變、傳播。鑒于此，譯者的最重要角色是對敘事、再敘事過程進行干預(yù)。敘事視角授予譯者充足的自主權(quán)(agency)，認可他們在社會中扮演的決策性、高度復(fù)雜性角色。

根據(jù)翻譯敘事視角，話語分析單位為一個完整的敘事結(jié)構(gòu)，即一個完整的故事，包含人物、場景、結(jié)果、情節(jié)等?；诖?，這一分析單位既不排除也不主要關(guān)注文本中常現(xiàn)的語言模式；與批評話語分析不同，它不是將這些語言模式與抽象、機構(gòu)驅(qū)動的現(xiàn)實世界社會構(gòu)建或知識形式聯(lián)系起來，而是將重點一方面放在機構(gòu)、個人(各個階層的人物)如何以各種方式構(gòu)建、傳播構(gòu)成我們世界的敘事體上，另一方面放在譯者如何以各種方式干預(yù)這一過程。由于完整的敘事結(jié)構(gòu)為話語分析單位，所以我們在翻譯實踐中應(yīng)得出幾點啟示。第一，在翻譯敘事路徑中，我們不應(yīng)認為尋找常見的文本模式是較好的方法出發(fā)點。個性化、偶然使用的，甚至非文本式的手段可能與常見的文本模式同樣重要。第二，敘事可通過各種媒介加以實現(xiàn)，可采用書面與口頭文本、圖像、表格、顏色、式樣、衣著等手段。第三，單個敘事結(jié)構(gòu)會產(chǎn)生局域性影響，也會影響整個敘事結(jié)構(gòu)。第四，各單個敘事結(jié)構(gòu)相互關(guān)聯(lián)，有時界限很難劃分，即很難客觀區(qū)分各單個敘事結(jié)構(gòu)。

要實現(xiàn)翻譯敘事路徑，我們需要兩個具體工具：敘事類型(narrative typology)以及相關(guān)敘事特征。敘事類型包括4類：個人敘事(personal narrative)、公共敘事(public narrative)、概念或?qū)W科敘事(conceptual or disciplinary narrative)、元敘事(meta narrative)。個人敘事是關(guān)于我們在世界中所處位置、個人經(jīng)歷的故事，可自我敘述也可向他人講述。公共敘事是群體或社區(qū)共享的故事。概念或?qū)W科敘事是學(xué)術(shù)或?qū)I(yè)敘事，用以解析研究對象。元敘事是具有較為深遠地域意義、歷史跨度較大的敘事，具有高度的抽象性，如民族主義、啟蒙主義、資本主義、共產(chǎn)主義、社會進步、全球化，等等，可看作“我們時代的史詩戲劇”(epic drama of our time)。在翻譯實踐中，個人敘事與公共敘事經(jīng)常交互在一起，互相影響，具有辯證統(tǒng)一的關(guān)系。出于不同的個人或機構(gòu)、社會目的，有時譯者更突出公共敘事，有時則更突出個人敘事。突出個人敘事是翻譯敘事路徑受學(xué)者們關(guān)注之所在。如，第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中猶太人遭受過大屠殺，幸存者或受害者家庭成員的敘事成為譯者關(guān)注的重點。通過翻譯的文本，這些個人故事講述了猶太人遭受的非人待遇、他們的痛苦，形成了一種特殊的語體(genre)；透過這些故事，我們可研究譯者的選擇：翻譯的內(nèi)容與翻譯的方式。通過個人敘事，我們也可了解譯者如何呈現(xiàn)其社區(qū)或社會，這些單個的故事有助于勾勒出社會的整體框架，揭示社會成員的身份、職業(yè)、行事目的，等等。翻譯敘事路徑可體現(xiàn)以下兩套特征：(1)選擇性內(nèi)容配置(selective appropriation)、時空性(temporality)、關(guān)系性(relationality)、具有因果關(guān)系的情節(jié)安排(causal emplotment)；(2)特殊性(particularity)、類屬性(genericness)、規(guī)范性(normativeness)、敘事增長(narrative accrual)。因為不可能將經(jīng)歷的每一個細節(jié)都融入敘述中，因而內(nèi)容選擇是非常有必要的。內(nèi)容選擇可為故事情節(jié)的前景化、背景化服務(wù)。敘事需嵌入某個時間、空間里，因而具有時空性。敘事中所涉及的人物、事件、語言項、設(shè)計安排、意境都必須與整體敘事相關(guān)聯(lián)。整個敘事結(jié)構(gòu)可能涉及多個故事，其情節(jié)應(yīng)有因果關(guān)聯(lián)。敘事的特殊性指故事的特殊性，敘事的類屬性指故事的類型，如申訴、偵探故事，為不同的語體或體裁。敘事往往要對應(yīng)某些規(guī)范，變化應(yīng)在可接受的范圍內(nèi)。敘事增長意味著各個故事加在一起具有遞增作用，可勾勒出整個敘事結(jié)構(gòu)。據(jù)此，在翻譯敘事方法的實施過程中，譯者扮演了重要的角色，目標語文本的內(nèi)容、形式、規(guī)范、細節(jié)篩選盡在其掌控之中。譯者因而起著目標語文本隱性作者的作用，改變了其傳統(tǒng)的源語文本“復(fù)制者”的身份。

四、敘事視角與中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英

敘事翻譯在中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英中可能起重要作用。原因有二，和本文作者的經(jīng)歷有關(guān)。

首先，通過閱讀國外學(xué)者對中國少數(shù)民族文化的研究成果，發(fā)現(xiàn)敘事視角使用較為頻繁。如：

例1：To manage the ethnic minority groups in frontier areas, the Chinese generally resorted to indirect rule. Regions of great strategic or economic value were governed directly by regular Chinese officials, while peripheral frontier regions in the southwest were ruled throughtusior native chieftains. Although policy varied considerably over time and was interspersed with periods of active conquest followed by the imposition of direct rule, it generally represented an effort to keep the marches pacified with as little effort and expense as possible. The policy was one variant of the venerable and hallowed practice of “using barbarians to rule barbarians” (yiyizhiyi). Thetusisystem developed from the “l(fā)oose rein” (jimi) policy of earlier dynasties. The idea behind the loose rein policy was to exert some control over chieftains on the fringes of the Chinese empire without forcing the issue in such a way that the chieftains would grow intractable and cut off the relationship. In the Han dynasty, relations with border chiefs under this policy were sporadic; by the Tang dynasty they had grown more formalized and regular. Gradually, prefectures, districts, and garrisons “under a loose rein” were created, and the heads of these new administrative units-largely indigenous non-Han-were allowed considerable latitude in local affairs and could pass on their positions hereditarily. Thetusisystem was the next stage in the development of these administrative units. It began under the Yuan and was fully articulated under the Ming-complete with regulations governing rank, promotion, demotion, rewards, and punishments. There were basically three categories of officials within the system.

(文章來源：Robert D. Jenks: Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou-The “Miao” Rebellion 1854-1873, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994[12]39)

參考譯文(本文作者自譯)：為了妥善管理邊陲地區(qū)少數(shù)民族，漢人通常采取本土治理(也稱間接治理)方式。具體來講，戰(zhàn)略意義或經(jīng)濟價值更大的地區(qū)由漢人官員來管理，西南邊陲地區(qū)則由土司或地方頭目負責(zé)。雖然在歷史上這一政策不是一成不變，期間存在漢人直接統(tǒng)治，但總體上來講，土司制度表明中央政府希望花費最小的人力物力來管理邊疆少數(shù)民族地區(qū)。這一政策實際上體現(xiàn)了中國封建政權(quán)篤信的統(tǒng)治觀念，即“以夷制夷”。土司制度源于先前朝代的“放手”(羈縻)政策。這一政策的理念是，寬泛管理，不對邊遠地區(qū)的頭目強加控制，以免造成關(guān)系割裂，局面不可收拾。漢代，邊疆頭目與中央政府的關(guān)系較為隨意，到了唐代，這一關(guān)系制度化、正規(guī)化了。漸漸地，在羈縻政策影響下，道、府、衛(wèi)戍區(qū)得以建立起來了，這些新行政單位的頭目，一般來講非漢人，在地方事務(wù)方面有了一定的權(quán)限，且可讓其權(quán)位世襲。在這些機構(gòu)建立之后，就出現(xiàn)了土司制度。土司制度始于元代，在明代得到了全面發(fā)展，有完整的級別、提拔、貶職、獎賞、懲罰規(guī)章制度，土司基本上分為三類。

再如：

例2：The term “raw Miao” used by Yan Ruyi requires comment. In addition to the traditional classification of the Miao mentioned earlier (i.e., according to such criteria as clothing and physical characteristics), the Chinese used another standard for differentiation. It was a very old one that was also applied to steppe nomads, Taiwan aborigines, and other “barbarians”. The Miao were categorized as either raw (shengMiao) or cooked (shuMiao). By definition, the former lived in remote areas, were beyond the pale of Chinese civilization and political control, paid taxes and did labor service, and had absorbed some measure of Chinese culture. In other words, one group was almost totally unassimilated, while the other group was assimilated to varying degrees. The terms “cooked” and “raw” are a reflection of the way the Han looked upon the Miao and other minorities. Both are essentially pejoratives, and as such they provide an important insight into Han attitudes toward minorities.

(文章來源：Robert D. Jenks: Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou—The “Miao” Rebellion 1854-1873, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994[12]34-35)

參考譯文(本文作者自譯)：嚴如熤使用過“生苗”這一術(shù)語，這里值得一提。我們前面提過，苗族的分類傳統(tǒng)上依據(jù)服裝和身體特征等標準，但在中國還有另外一種區(qū)分標準。這一分類其實不是什么新鮮事，曾經(jīng)在對草原游牧民族、臺灣原住居民和其他“夷人”分類時也采用過此標準。依據(jù)此標準，苗族可分為“生苗”或“熟苗”。我們不妨將前者界定為那些生活在邊遠地區(qū)的苗民，他們位于中國文明和政治管理的邊緣地帶，繳納稅收，從事苦力活，吸收了一定程度的漢文化。換言之，“生苗”沒有被漢族文化同化，而“熟苗”不同程度上被漢族文化同化了?！吧纭迸c“熟苗”之分反映了當(dāng)時漢族對苗族和其他少數(shù)民族的看法。兩種說法本質(zhì)上是貶義的，正因為如此，可一定程度揭示當(dāng)時漢族統(tǒng)治者對少數(shù)民族的態(tài)度。

例3：How do the Hmong fit into broader historical, geographical, and social contexts? The people with whom I worked are a subgroup of Hmong, or Miao/Yao speaking people, an ethnic minority who have lived on the fringes of powerful states, primarily China, for centuries, but where they originated and much of their subsequent history is something of a mystery. Part of the problem is that the Miao in China did not have a writing system of their own, so scholars have had to rely on Chinese documentary evidence to reconstruct the Hmong or Miao past. The Shujing (Book of Documents) places the Miao in China in the third century B. C. Although they are documented in the Zhou and Qin dynasties, records on them become rare afterwards, with only a few brief mentions in the Tang and Song dynasties, until they reemerge in official documents in the Yuan and Ming dynasties. This has led to confusion as to their whereabouts during the intervening centuries. some scholars postulate that the Miao/Hmong originated in southern China.

The ethnonym Miao, and subsequently Meo in Laos and Thailand, also has been a source of confusion, and many explanations are given for the name. Yang Dao, a Hmong scholar, has stated that the Miao is a Chinese term meaning “barbarian”, but in China there are still many people who are called and who call themselves Miao. In the diaspora following the Vietnam War, Miao/Hmong have migrated to the United States, Australia, French Guyana, Canada, and Europe, and in these countries they call themselves Hmong.

(文章來源：Patricia V. Symonds: Gender and the Cycle of Life: Calling in the Soul in a Hmong Village, Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2004: pp xxiv-xxv[13])

參考譯文(本文作者自譯)：苗族如何融入更廣的歷史、地理與社會氛圍中？我所交往的苗族是苗族的一個分支或苗/瑤語系民族，多個世紀來生活在大國(主要是中國)的邊陲，但其來源地與歷史流變確是有些神秘。原因之一在于中國苗族沒有自己的文字系統(tǒng)，因此學(xué)者們只得依賴相關(guān)的中國文獻來重構(gòu)苗族的歷史?！稌?jīng)》(又名《尚書》)認為中國苗族起源于公元前3世紀。雖然在周朝、秦朝也有關(guān)于苗族的記錄，但之后類似的記錄偏少，唐、宋期間偶爾提及苗族，在元、明期間官方文件中再次記錄了苗族的相關(guān)情況。正因為如此，人們不禁對中間空隙時間苗族的情況感到迷惑。一些學(xué)者認為苗族起源于中國南方。苗族在中國、老撾、泰國稱呼有所不同，這也造成了一定的認知混淆，許多學(xué)者對苗族的稱號給予了解釋。苗族學(xué)者楊道指出，在漢語中“苗”是一個輕蔑的稱呼，意味著“野蠻”，然而在中國仍然有許多人稱作苗族或自稱苗族。在越南戰(zhàn)爭后的大遷徙中，部分苗族遷徙到美國、澳大利亞、法屬圭亞那、加拿大和歐洲，在這些國家他們自稱為“蒙人”(苗族)。

例1的時間概念明確，土司制度的興起與發(fā)展始終沿著朝代這條時間軸，出現(xiàn)的主人公為地方少數(shù)民族頭領(lǐng)、漢族中央政府，故事內(nèi)容明確。例2的時間概念沒有明確化，但“生苗”“熟苗”兩個概念的界定體現(xiàn)了敘事特征，即苗族與漢族文化融合過程與程度。例3的作者將苗族置于中國歷史發(fā)展長河之中，也將苗族的變遷與跨境列入討論之中，且涉及中國歷史典籍《尚書》，敘事特征明顯。西方學(xué)者對中國少數(shù)民族文化的研究很大程度上基于中國學(xué)者的研究成果，是另外一種“翻譯”或“變譯”。因此，敘事視角可以用于中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英中。

第二，本文作者參加過中國-東盟教育交流周、生態(tài)文明貴陽國際論壇翻譯以及貴州民族大學(xué)對外宣傳資料的漢譯英工作，發(fā)現(xiàn)敘事視角在這些場合作用較大。如：

例4：

六十六年櫛風(fēng)沐雨，六十六年薪火相傳；六十六年奮發(fā)蹈厲，六十六年玉汝于成。

貴州民族大學(xué)創(chuàng)建于1951年5月17日，是新中國創(chuàng)建最早的五所民族院校之一，是中國共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)貴州各族人民翻身解放，真正實現(xiàn)民族平等團結(jié)，走向共同繁榮的重要成果。66年來，一代代民大人篳路藍縷，以啟民智；弦歌不輟，匡正學(xué)統(tǒng)。近十年成績斐然：

2006年，獲批碩士學(xué)位授予權(quán)單位；

2007年，明確為省屬重點大學(xué)；獲評為教育部本科教學(xué)評估“優(yōu)秀”等次；

2008年，成為國家民委和貴州省政府共建高校；

2012年，更名為貴州民族大學(xué)；獲批服務(wù)國家特殊需求博士人才培養(yǎng)項目“西南民族地區(qū)社會管理”并于次年招生，實現(xiàn)貴州省人文社科博士零的突破；

2014年，建成并入住大學(xué)城新校區(qū)；同年，獲批為中國政府獎學(xué)金來華留學(xué)生接收院校；學(xué)校更名后第一次黨代會明確“建成國內(nèi)高水平一流民族大學(xué)”奮斗目標，以此落實教育部、國家民委、貴州省委、省政府對我校的關(guān)懷和要求，回應(yīng)全省各民族同胞對我校的厚望，更好地服務(wù)貴州經(jīng)濟社會文化發(fā)展。

光陰荏苒、歲月留心，66年來沐浴著黨的關(guān)懷和民族政策光輝成長壯大的貴州民族大學(xué)，始終與民族地區(qū)和少數(shù)民族同胞同呼吸共命運，奏響創(chuàng)新創(chuàng)業(yè)的奉獻之歌。

學(xué)?，F(xiàn)有兩個校區(qū)，花溪校區(qū)坐落于山清水秀、被譽為“高原明珠”的貴陽市花溪區(qū)，大學(xué)城校區(qū)坐落在產(chǎn)城融合創(chuàng)新、生態(tài)文明示范的貴安新區(qū)，辦學(xué)條件極大改善,軟硬件設(shè)施良好地服務(wù)教研實踐，19000余名莘莘學(xué)子在此成長成才。自建校以來，已為社會輸送10萬余名各級各類人才。

學(xué)校有21個學(xué)院、78個普通本科專業(yè)；1個博士項目；6個一級學(xué)科碩士點，涵蓋52個二級學(xué)科碩士點，5個專業(yè)學(xué)位碩士點。擁有一支結(jié)構(gòu)合理、高學(xué)歷高素質(zhì)、發(fā)展趨勢良好的師資隊伍，成為學(xué)校發(fā)展最寶貴的核心資源；其中一大批杰出的國家級、省級專家學(xué)者具有全國學(xué)術(shù)影響力和高尚的師德教風(fēng)。

參考譯文(本文作者自譯)：With sixty-six years’ weather-beating, we have come along; with sixty-six years’ efforts, we have made our name.

Guizhou Minzu University, founded on May 17th, 1951, is one of the five earliest minorities-oriented universities in China. It is a fruit of toil of all peoples in Guizhou, led by the Communist Party of China, as well as a mark of national equality, unity and shared prosperity.

Over the past sixty-six years the staff and students of Guizhou Minzu University, generation after generation, have left remarkable footprints in education, contributed to talent cultivation and formed a solid tradition of learning:

In 2006, the university was approved as qualified for issuing Master’s Degree;

In 2007, the university was specified as a key provincial university, and secured the rank of “excellence” in the Ministry of Education’s Undergraduate Education Evaluation;

In 2008, the university was ratified as jointly developed by the State Ethnic Affairs Commission and Guizhou Provincial People’s Government;

In 2012, the university changed its name from Guizhou Minzu Institute to Guizhou Minzu University, and in the same year, it was ratified as qualified for running the doctorate program for special national needs—“Southwest China Ethnic Areas’ Social Management”; in the following year, it started to enroll doctorate candidates, which was a breakthrough in the field of liberal arts in Guizhou;

In 2014, the new campus in University Town was basically completed and started to host undergraduates. In the same year, the university was ratified as qualified for admitting foreign students on the scholarships of the Chinese government. The university, whose name changed from Guizhou Minzu Institute to Guizhou Minzu University, for the first time specified its target at its first Communist Party of China Congress: to build the university into a high-level first-rate minorities-oriented university, as a response to the support and requirement from Ministry of Education, the State Ethnic Affairs Commission, Guizhou Provincial CPC Committee, and Guizhou Provincial People’s Government as well as the high expectations of Guizhou’s peoples for better services to local economic, social and cultural development.

Time goes on and on, and our heart becomes stronger and stronger. Over the past sixty-six years the university has been receiving support and care from the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government in policy and funding; it has been contributing to the development of minority people and minority areas; it is now singing a song of innovation-based contributions.

The university has two campuses now. The Huaxi Campus is located in Huaxi District, known as “Pearl of Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau” for beautiful mountains and charming waters; the University Town Campus lies in Gui’an New District, where industries, urban construction, innovation and ecology are integrated. The university’s conditions have been much improved, with well-operating facilities for teaching and research, and over 19,000 students are thriving on this land. Since the founding of the university, over 100,000 talents of various fields have been cultivated for the society.

The university has 21 schools, 78 undergraduate majors, 1 doctorate program, 6 level-1 master degree programs covering 52 level-2 master degree programs, and 5 professional master degree programs. It has a well-structured, high-degree, highly-qualified, well-developing faculty, which is the most precious resource for its development. Of the faculty, there are a big number of nation-level and province-level experts and scholars with nationwide academic influence and noble professorship.

例5：

“生態(tài)文明與反貧困”主題論壇是生態(tài)文明國際論壇重要的組成部分之一。自2014年來，今年是連續(xù)第三年舉辦。去年在第三方評估中被評為6個優(yōu)秀分論壇之一。2016年主題論壇由國務(wù)院扶貧辦、北京大學(xué)主辦，中國國際扶貧中心、北京大學(xué)貧困地區(qū)發(fā)展研究院、中國社科院社會學(xué)研究所、貴州省社科院、貴州省扶貧辦、貴州民族大學(xué)、中國新聞社貴州分社、德國巴伐利亞州農(nóng)村研究院、德國漢斯·賽德爾基金會、普定縣人民政府承辦，時間為3天。將邀請聯(lián)合國組織和國際反貧困機構(gòu)、國內(nèi)外反貧困研究專家、中國知名反貧困社會組織、本土扶貧領(lǐng)域?qū)W者共約100人與會。除主會場外，還將在貴州民族大學(xué)、普定縣設(shè)立分會場，提供更充分、更深入的討論機會。同時在普定縣對生態(tài)治理與山地農(nóng)業(yè)進行觀摩考察。

舉辦本主題論壇的目的在于：1.深入討論減貧行動的國際合作與協(xié)作，探討構(gòu)建更具開放性的國際減貧工作協(xié)作機制；2.在習(xí)總書記精準扶貧論述體系的指引下，就精準脫貧工作的社會合作策略、能力建設(shè)策略、技術(shù)應(yīng)用與社區(qū)發(fā)展同步策略進行深入討論；3.深入討論公共政策支持生態(tài)文明與精準脫貧同步推進的策略與路徑。

本主題論壇已成為減貧領(lǐng)域國際對話與合作，官方與民間對話與協(xié)作，理論、學(xué)術(shù)領(lǐng)域與行動、實踐領(lǐng)域?qū)υ捙c合作的重要論壇。論壇參與者包括了國際、國內(nèi)重要的減貧政策與理論研究者，資深的減貧行動者和減貧社會工作者。本分論壇的舉辦，對于更加深入、更加精準地推進我國的精準脫貧工作，具有直接的價值和意義，同時，對于梳理中國的反貧困行動經(jīng)驗，構(gòu)建減貧經(jīng)驗基礎(chǔ)之上的中國政策、行動及話語體系從而支持減貧領(lǐng)域內(nèi)的國際合作，擴大中國對全球反貧困事業(yè)的貢獻，都將產(chǎn)生積極的意義。

分論壇設(shè)三個主題：1.生態(tài)文明建設(shè)與精準脫貧，2.貧困治理與社會建設(shè)，3.亞熱帶農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展與減貧。分論壇將延續(xù)“環(huán)境可持續(xù)”與“社會可持續(xù)”理念，探討生態(tài)文明建設(shè)、社會建設(shè)、鄉(xiāng)村治理如何支持精準扶貧、精準脫貧；探討如何構(gòu)建社會參與基礎(chǔ)上的大扶貧項目治理格局、鄉(xiāng)村善治基礎(chǔ)上的反貧困行動，建設(shè)扶貧新路的社會基礎(chǔ)；探討中國扶貧經(jīng)驗如何支持扶貧外交、構(gòu)建全球反貧困行動共同體。

本屆論壇的主要亮點：1.貴州是全國脫貧攻堅的主戰(zhàn)場、示范區(qū)和樣板省，在全國的脫貧攻堅中承擔(dān)著重要使命。因此，對貴州扶貧開發(fā)實踐的深度了解和關(guān)注是尋找貴州脫貧攻堅智慧的前提。本次論壇的參會者，既站在全國的高度，又立足貴州的實踐，如王春光、王曉毅、雷明、向德平、張琦、左小蕾等學(xué)者均長期在貴州從事調(diào)查研究，對貴州的脫貧攻堅與經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展有比較深入的了解和獨到的見解。

2.作為本次論壇主要籌辦力量之一的貴州民族大學(xué)社會建設(shè)與反貧困研究院，以王春光、孫兆霞、毛剛強等人為代表的研究團隊，從2011年成立起到現(xiàn)在，一直致力于社會建設(shè)與反貧困相結(jié)合的研究，提出以社會建設(shè)為基底的反貧困理論與實踐路徑，在鞏固與中國社會科學(xué)院社會學(xué)所、復(fù)旦大學(xué)、中山大學(xué)等機構(gòu)的長期深度合作基礎(chǔ)上，不斷開拓與國內(nèi)多個反貧困研究領(lǐng)域重要的機構(gòu)和學(xué)者的合作。以開放的姿態(tài)，匯聚國內(nèi)外反貧困的智慧，三年來成為為生態(tài)文明與反貧困的學(xué)術(shù)支撐平臺，并通過這一平臺不斷提升本研究院研究成果的水平。

3.本論壇的參會者，既有政府官員、理論研究者，還有反貧困的行動研究者，如湯敏、楊團、張?zhí)m英、楊麗君等，長期在中國反貧困的實踐中，進行反貧困理論、方法與路徑的本土化探索，將國際發(fā)展、國際援助的理論與方法結(jié)合中國的反貧困實踐，創(chuàng)造性地開拓出了若干重要的本土理論與方法，取得了實踐的成功。而本論壇將他們聚集在一起，也提供了一個交流、發(fā)聲與傳播的平臺，讓他們的經(jīng)驗?zāi)軌蛟诟蠓秶鷥?nèi)影響中國的扶貧實踐。

4.貴州省剛剛召開了深入學(xué)習(xí)貫徹習(xí)近平總書記關(guān)于扶貧開發(fā)重要講話精神座談會、貴州省第二次大扶貧戰(zhàn)略行動推進大會、專題研究黔西南州工作的貴州省委常委會議等脫貧攻堅領(lǐng)域的重大會議，進一步統(tǒng)一了貴州省脫貧攻堅的思想和步調(diào)。本論壇的召開，也將圍繞這些會議精神，為貴州省脫貧攻堅提供智力支持，努力探索脫貧攻堅創(chuàng)新的貴州經(jīng)驗。鄭永年、葉興慶、黃承偉等著名學(xué)者將從貧困治理到國家治理、治國理政進行理論探討和政策支持研究。

5.在從反貧困實踐中，總結(jié)多民族文化中的地方智慧尤其是生態(tài)智慧。參會嘉賓的長期研究蘊含了從精準扶貧到可持續(xù)發(fā)展的智慧，能夠回應(yīng)城鄉(xiāng)可持續(xù)發(fā)展、農(nóng)業(yè)文化遺產(chǎn)、人類文化多樣性等諸多前沿領(lǐng)域的問題。

6.本論壇設(shè)置專門的分論壇，邀請中國科學(xué)院喀斯特生態(tài)系統(tǒng)觀測研究站科學(xué)家張信寶等在貴州喀斯特地區(qū)長期從事生態(tài)恢復(fù)與治理研究、喀斯特地區(qū)生物資源利用研究及減貧實踐的學(xué)者以及朱啟臻、徐啟智等學(xué)者在生態(tài)農(nóng)業(yè)、亞熱帶農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展以及生態(tài)建設(shè)與美麗鄉(xiāng)村、農(nóng)業(yè)合作等不同視角對喀斯特生態(tài)脆弱地區(qū)的減貧進行探討。

7.本論壇已成為減貧領(lǐng)域國際對話與合作的重要平臺。從2014年以來，特別注重主辦與承辦機構(gòu)多元互補的框架設(shè)計，今年本論壇由國務(wù)院扶貧辦、北京大學(xué)主辦，中國國際扶貧中心、北京大學(xué)貧困地區(qū)發(fā)展研究院、中國社會科學(xué)院社會學(xué)研究所、貴州省社會科學(xué)院、貴州省扶貧辦、貴州民族大學(xué)、中國新聞社貴州分社、德國巴伐利亞州農(nóng)村研究院、德國漢斯·賽德爾基金會、普定縣人民政府承辦。這些機構(gòu)既有3年來一直堅守的主辦與承辦機構(gòu)，保證了論壇的內(nèi)在動力與品質(zhì)積淀的可持續(xù)性，同時又不斷地在吸引和吸納一些新的機構(gòu)特別是國際機構(gòu)的參與，在擴大其影響力的同時，彰顯出論壇的活力和魅力。從參會嘉賓的角度看，包含了國際減貧與發(fā)展組織負責(zé)人、外國政府官員以及從事反貧困研究的學(xué)者，通過交流，深入討論減貧行動的國際合作與協(xié)作，探討構(gòu)建更具開放性的國際減貧工作協(xié)作機制，對于梳理中國的反貧困行動經(jīng)驗，構(gòu)建減貧經(jīng)驗基礎(chǔ)之上的中國政策、行動及話語體系從而支持減貧領(lǐng)域內(nèi)的國際合作，擴大中國對全球反貧困事業(yè)的貢獻，都將產(chǎn)生積極的意義。

8.本論壇在舉辦形式上力求創(chuàng)新。采取“一主兩副”的形式。除主會場外，還分別在貴州民族大學(xué)、普定縣設(shè)立分會場。3年來一直在貴州民族大學(xué)設(shè)立分會場，使國家級國際性的會議能夠走進大學(xué)，更加彰顯出會議學(xué)理與學(xué)術(shù)的特質(zhì)，同時也為大學(xué)的學(xué)科和學(xué)術(shù)發(fā)展提供了資源。三個會場三個主題，力求進行更加深入的探討。特別是在普定縣設(shè)立分會場，這是生態(tài)文明貴陽國際論壇歷史上第一次在縣一級設(shè)立分會場。我們將把國內(nèi)外專家學(xué)者及反貧困民間組織代表請到普定縣去，先實地觀摩考察，再集中研討。

參考譯文(本文作者自譯)：

AbriefintroductiontotheForum

I.Background

“Eco-civilization and Anti-poverty Work” is an important theme forum of the Eco Forum Global Forum Global Annual Conference 2016. Starting in 2014, this is the third consecutive year for its convening. Last year, “Eco-civilization and Anti-poverty Work” was listed by an independent assessment agency as one of the six excellent sub-forums for the Conference. In 2016, the Forum is sponsored by the State Council Leading Group Office of Poverty Alleviation and Development and Beijing University, and hosted by International Poverty Reduction Center in China, Institute on Poverty Research in Beijing University, Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Guizhou Province Academy of Social Sciences, Office of Poverty Alleviation and Development of Guizhou Province, Guizhou Minzu University, China News Service in Guizhou, Bavaria Rural Research Institute of Germany, Hanns Seidel Stiftung, Germany and People’s Government of Puding County. About 100 scholars and experts from UN organizations, international anti-poverty agencies, domestic and international anti-poverty institutes, renowned domestic anti-poverty social organizations, and domestic poverty reduction research fields will be invited to attend the forums. Besides the main conference site, Guizhou Minzu University and Puding County will host the sub-forums. There will be sufficient opportunities for discussions on anti-poverty issues.

II.Purposeandsignificance

The purpose of the Forum lies in three aspects. First, it is a way of further exploring poverty reduction actions and relevant international cooperation and coordination as well as an open coordinated working mechanism for international poverty reduction. Second, under the guide of President Xi Jinping’s targeted poverty alleviation ideology, it aims at discussing strategies involving social cooperation, capability construction, and coordinated technology application and community development. Third, it intends to seek strategies and approaches for support of public policies for coordinated eco-civilization and targeted poverty alleviation.

The Forum has become an important platform for international dialogue and cooperation in poverty reduction, dialogue and coordination between the government and the folk, and dialogue and cooperation between theoretical academic fields and action or practice. The participants present include renowned international and domestic experts, and practitioners and social workers in poverty reduction. The Forum is conducive to the promotion of China’s targeted poverty alleviation, the summary of experience regarding China’s anti-poverty work, and the formulation of China’s policies, action and discourse system based on poverty reduction work so as to boost international cooperation against poverty and expand China’s contributions to global poverty fight.

Ⅲ.Themesandmaincontent

The Forum includes three themes, namely, eco-civilization development and targeted poverty alleviation, poverty governance and social development, and subtropical agricultural development and poverty reduction. The sub-forums will carry on the notions of “environmental sustainability” and “social sustainability”, explore such issues as eco-civilization development, social development, rural governance as support for accurate poverty alleviation, and targeted poverty alleviation, discuss such issues as social participation-based poverty alleviation governance models, rural governance-based anti-poverty action, and social basis for new poverty alleviation approaches, and tackle such issues as China’s experience of poverty alleviation for poverty alleviation diplomacy, and global commonwealth for anti-poverty action.

IV.Aspectsworthmentioning

1.Guizhou is a main poverty reduction province in China, and should become an example in the fight against poverty. The understanding of experience and practice is a prerequisite for formulating the wisdom tackling deep-rooted poverty in the province. The participants present view the issue at national and provincial levels simultaneously, such as Wang Chunguang, Wang Xiaoyi, Lei Ming, Xiang Deping, Zhang Qi and Zuo Xiaolei, who have made a long-time study on poverty in Guizhou and are familiar with the status quo and challenge and accordingly show insights into the ways out socially and economically.

2.As a main planner of the Forum, Institute of Social Development and Poverty Reduction of Guizhou Minzu University, with Wang Chunguang, Sun Zhaoxiao and Mao Gangqiang as main team members, have devoted to the combination of social development and poverty alleviation since 2011 when it was founded, proposing social development as the basis for anti-poverty theory and practice. Also, in expanding ties with many other anti-poverty institutions and scholars, it has accumulated much wisdom in poverty reduction in a way open to domestic and international contributors. The institution has become an important platform for the research on eco-civilization and anti-poverty work over the past 3 years as more and more academic results have been achieved.

3.The participants present include government officials, theorists and practitioners, such as Tang Min, Zhang Lanying and Yang Lijun, who have worked long in China’s poverty reduction and hence explored localized strategies, approaches and means concerned. Their presence at the Forum is a way of making known their achievements and voices to the public.

4.Recently meetings have been convened in Guizhou, studying President Xi Jinping’s speeches and demands for poverty reduction in China and working out some strategies and tactics for poverty alleviation in southwest Guizhou, that is, Qianxinan Prefecture. This forum is a plus to the efforts that have been made, and will lead to some valuable suggestions on poverty alleviation and coordinated work in Guizhou’s poverty-stricken areas. Eminent scholars, for instance, Zheng Yongnian, Ye Xingqing and Huang Chengwei, are to voice on issues from poverty governance to national governance and national policies.

5.The Forum is to summarize some wisdom, particularly eco-wisdom, based on anti-poverty practice. The guests present have long studied poverty reduction in China, and thus are able to offer valuable advice on targeted poverty alleviation, sustainable development, urban and rural sustainable development, rural cultural heritage, and human cultural diversity—new issues in the world.

6.The Forum has set sub-forums inviting such famous scholars as Zhang Xinbao, who have been studying eco-restoration and governance, utilization of karst bio-resources and poverty reduction in Guizhou, and such eminent experts as Zhu Qizhen and Xu Qizhi, who have been exploring eco-agriculture, subtropical agricultural development, and eco-development, beautiful rural areas and agricultural cooperation in eco-vulnerable karst areas for the sake of poverty reduction.

7.The Forum has become an important platform for international dialogue and cooperation in poverty reduction. Since its launch in 2014, attention has been paid to the design of framework regarding the pluralistic complementation between the sponsoring and hosting agencies. This forum is sponsored by the State Council Leading Group Office of Poverty Alleviation and Development and Beijing University, and hosted by International Poverty Reduction Center in China, Institute on Poverty Research in Beijing University, Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Guizhou Province Academy of Social Sciences, Office of Poverty Alleviation and Development of Guizhou Province, Guizhou Minzu University, China News Service in Guizhou, Bavaria Rural Research Institute of Germany, Hanns Seidel Stiftung, Germany and People’s Government of Puding County. These agencies have participated actively in the Forum over the past 3 years and hence accumulated much experience in improving the conference quality. Also, since 2014, new agencies, particularly international ones, have appeared as main participants in each forum, which have expanded its influence and demonstrated its vitality. The guests present include leaders of international poverty reduction and development organizations, foreign government official, and experts on poverty alleviation, who have profoundly discussed issues related to international cooperation and coordination concerning poverty reduction, an increasingly open coordinated work mechanisms for international poverty reduction, and the formulation of China’s policies, action and discourse system based on anti-poverty experience so that international cooperation in poverty reduction can be boosted and China’s contributions in this regard can be increased.

8.The Forum aims at innovation in convening—one main conference site and two sub-forum sites. Besides the main conference site, Guizhou Minzu University and Puding County are the sub-forum sites. Over the past 3 years Guizhou Minzu University has been a sub-forum site, highlighting the notion of holding international and state-level conferences in higher education institutions in a bid to show academic features and promote academic disciplinary development. The three conference sites have a different theme each, the purpose of which is to deepen discussions. For the first time the Forum has its sub-forum at the county level—Puding County, the purpose of which is to organize domestic and international experts for field work and on-the-spot surveys so that better achievements can be made.

例4通過時間線索將貴州民族大學(xué)的發(fā)展旅程真實地再現(xiàn)，譯文遵循了原文的敘事特征，將貴州民族大學(xué)這所歷史悠久的民族院校的進步、成就加以復(fù)述。例5是2016年生態(tài)文明貴陽會議的論壇介紹，涉及反貧困工作與生態(tài)文明的協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展，時間點與反貧困、生態(tài)文明協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展相互關(guān)聯(lián)，主人公包括學(xué)者、政府、群眾(特別是貴州的少數(shù)民族)，譯文對這些敘事特征忠實地加以再現(xiàn)。這兩個例子的啟發(fā)是：敘事可與翻譯結(jié)合起來，并可能有具體的敘事翻譯模式出現(xiàn)。

敘事視角的關(guān)鍵因素包括人物、場景、情節(jié)概述，可能還包括寓意或評價。在中國少數(shù)民族文化漢譯英的過程中，譯者應(yīng)注意源語文化和目標語文化的差距，該差距表現(xiàn)在對故事場景、人物、事件的陌生性(foreignness)上。譯者需要盡量縮短這種文化差距，有必要時采取注釋、增譯、人名的變化等手段。Nord[14] 93-101曾探討過Alice in Wonderland(愛麗絲漫游記)這一童話小說在英譯德、英譯法、英譯意大利語中的格式變化，涵蓋人物名稱本土化、小說中插入的兒歌形象化重構(gòu)等一系列措施，以便讓目標語受眾更容易接受譯本。由此產(chǎn)生的效果包括文本可讀性的加強、讀者興趣的增加、參與小說人物討論活動的讀者人數(shù)上升等。 Watson[15]在將《論語》(The Analects of Confucius)翻譯成英語時給我們樹立了示范作用。試看下面的例子：

例6：

(《論語》述而篇第七：第18節(jié))子所雅言，《詩》、《書》、執(zhí)禮，皆雅言也。

譯文：The Master used the correct pronunciations when speaking of theOdesandDocumentsor the conduct of rituals. On all such occasions, he used the correct pronunciations. (As opposed to the pronunciations of Confucius’ native state of Lu)

在例6中，Watson以敘事的方式描述了孔子講述經(jīng)典著作時使用的“官方發(fā)音”(即陜西語音)，該語音在開展周禮時所采用，為孔子所推崇。譯者特別注釋了“有別于孔子出生地魯國的發(fā)音”，放在腳注里。這是譯者縮短文化距離的措施，結(jié)合整個譯文前言部分對《論語》的主張的介紹，西方讀者更容易孔子的教誨。另外，《詩》(即《詩經(jīng)》)、《書》(即《尚書》)采用了英語中常見的文學(xué)味道較濃的詞匯Odes、Documents，較為通俗易懂，加之使用了斜體，可提醒讀者這是兩部中國古代經(jīng)典著作。Watson的《論語》譯著于2007年由美國哥倫比亞大學(xué)出版社出版，迄今已有12年之久，國際影響較大，與其在某些部分采用敘事的模式所產(chǎn)生的效果有關(guān)。

Watson的敘事翻譯模式在中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英中可模仿。試看下例：

例7：

《阿蓉》是苗族敘事歌，流傳于黔桂交界的都柳江、月亮山、大苗山和雷公山下的榕江、從江、雷山、丹寨、三都、荔波等縣的苗族地區(qū)。傳說在古代，古州楊家灣辣子寨有一個大苗寨，寨中羲公和歐奶生有一女，名叫耶蓉，尊稱阿蓉。阿蓉生得潔白漂亮，亭亭玉立，既聰明伶俐，又心靈手巧，更有一副好歌喉，遠近聞名。長大后，遠近求親者踏破門檻，她都不如意。阿蓉愛上擺內(nèi)寨的后生阿珙，阿珙長得英俊、彪悍，是個出了名的歌師和蘆笙手。最后，阿蓉不為錢財所心動，也未遵姑表親的風(fēng)俗，只與阿珙定下終身，并與官府展開了斗爭，最后在眾親友的幫助之下，終于與阿蓉結(jié)為夫妻。作品意義深刻，很有鼓舞作用，現(xiàn)在當(dāng)?shù)氐拿缱迦罕娙砸詴栋⑷亍窞闃s，而其故事內(nèi)容也成為鼓藏祭禮內(nèi)容之一，足以見阿蓉在苗族心中的地位。

參考譯文：A Rong is a narrative of the Miao people (known as Hmong in international academic community) in China, popular in the Miao areas of Liujiang River, Moon Mountain and Big Miao Mountain on the border of Guizhou and Guangxi and the Miao areas of Rongjiang, Congjiang, Leishan, Danzhai, Sandu and Libo Counties at the foot of Leigong Mountain. According to the legend, in ancient times there was a big Miao village in Yangzhouwan of Guzhou, where Xigong (husband) and Ounai (wife) had a daughter named Yerong, respectfully called A Rong. The daughter was fair, beautiful and slender as well as bright and smart, with a sweet voice known near and far. When she grew up, many young men came to her home for courtship, but she was not interested in them. In fact, she felt attached to a lad named A Gong in Bainei Village, a famous singer and Lusheng player, who was handsome and strong. She did not give in to the temptations of money or obey the tradition of marrying her cousin, but made a vow of marriage with A Gong, and they fought together against the corrupted government. Eventually, with the help of their relatives and friends the two lovers got married. This story occupies an important place in many people’s hearts, for the Miao people take pride in being able to recite the instructive story of A Rong. The narrative has significant value in literature, and is part of Miao’s Guzang Festival (a sacrifice celebration held every 12 years) celebrations.

在上述譯文中，譯者有意識在“苗族”“鼓藏節(jié)”兩個重要的文化負載詞上加括號注釋，讓西方讀者更好地了解中國少數(shù)民族文化，即苗族文化。另外，鑒于“羲公”“歐奶”兩個人名在西方讀者看來較為陌生，特加上括號注釋其分別為丈夫、妻子，加強故事的可讀性?？梢钥吹?，譯者在這一過程中扮演著重要的角色，譯者的主體性得以體現(xiàn)出來。以上敘事是公共敘事，元敘事表現(xiàn)的是堅貞不渝的愛情與不屈不撓的正義精神。譯文復(fù)制了原文的兩種敘事。以上敘事翻譯模式可稱為“加注式敘事翻譯模式”，源語與目標語文本的關(guān)系、譯者與原作者的關(guān)系、源語文化與目標語文化的關(guān)系、源語讀者與目標語讀者的關(guān)系可通過下圖加以表示。

圖1表明：1)目標語文本作者(譯者)與源語文本作者存在互動關(guān)系，與源語文化、源語文本、源語文本讀者之間的關(guān)系是通過源語文本作者來加以實現(xiàn)的。2)目標語文本作者(譯者)與目標語文化、目標語文本、目標語讀者存在互動關(guān)系，而源語文本作者與目標語文化、目標語文本、目標語讀者之間的關(guān)系是通過目標語文本作者(譯者)來加以實現(xiàn)的。3)源語文化催生源語文本，源語文本的針對對象為源語文本讀者；同理，目標語文化催生目標語文本，目標語文本的針對對象為目標語讀者。總體來講，兩種關(guān)系皆為單向式。上圖揭示的關(guān)系說明源語文本作者、目標語文本作者(譯者)是“加注式敘事翻譯模式”的中心，在跨文化交際過程中，目標語文本作者(譯者)作用最為突出。“加注式敘事翻譯模式”注重譯者的作用，但總體上對源語文本修改幅度有限，基本遵循了奈達的“功能等值”或“動態(tài)等值”模式。

20世紀80年代中期，西方翻譯界出現(xiàn)了翻譯的“文化轉(zhuǎn)向”(cultural turn)。Snell-Hornby[10]特別提及“翻譯操縱派”(Manipulation School)。該流派強調(diào)其目的是建立文學(xué)翻譯研究的新范式，Gideon Toury(注重描寫翻譯研究)、José Lambert和Hendrik van Gorp(注重描寫翻譯模式研究)、Susan Bassnett(注重戲劇翻譯研究)、André Lefevere(注重改寫翻譯研究)為代表性學(xué)者。“翻譯操縱派”旨在從描寫、目標導(dǎo)向、功能、系統(tǒng)等角度建立相關(guān)的翻譯理論，研究相關(guān)的翻譯實踐，中心在“目標語文化”(target culture)而不是“源語文化”(source culture)。在這一模式中，譯者的主體性更為彰顯，翻譯是實現(xiàn)譯者目的的路徑，重心在目標語文本受眾(receptor)、目標語文化。如果存在目標語文化、目標語讀者接受的問題，譯者可作較大的翻譯方法、技巧的調(diào)整。黃必康[16]采用了仿宋詞的模式翻譯莎士比亞的十四行詩，應(yīng)該算是“翻譯操縱派”理論的較好應(yīng)用。試看黃必康教授對莎翁的著名第18首十四行詩的翻譯。

例8：

原文：

Shall I compare thee to a summer’s day?

Thou art more lovely and more temperate:

Rough winds do shake the darling buds of May.

And summer’s lease hath all too short a date;

Sometimes too hot the eyes of heaven shines,

And often is his gold complexion dimm’d,

And every fair from fair sometimes declines,

By chance or nature’s changing course untrimmed:

But thy eternal summer shall not fade,

Nor lose possession of that fair thou ow’st,

Nor shall Death brag thou wand’rest in his shade,

When in eternal lines to time thou grow’st.

So long as men can breathe or eyes can see,

So long lives this, and this gives life to thee.

譯文(黃必康翻譯)：

夏日晴馥，

怎堪比，吾友俊秀雍睦。

五月嬌蕊，

疾風(fēng)過，落英紛紛簌簌。

夏景須臾，艷陽似火，忽又云遮路。造化恒變，

磋嘆美色不駐。

唯君盛夏常青，

更紅顏天成，雍華容祿。

笑問死靈，冥影暗，

奈何人間樂福？

君生無老，偕詩同向遠，與時久夙。

天地不滅，

吾詩君生永駐。

第18首十四行詩表現(xiàn)的是莎士比亞對時間給人的美麗帶來的摧毀性力量的感嘆。這首詩敘述了友人的美麗在天地、季節(jié)、大自然面前處于被支配的地位。五月在英國是一個陽光明媚的月份，然而美好的時光總是匆匆而過，友人的美麗在自然力量的“折磨”中凋謝。詩人希望將友人的美麗俊秀凝固在五月這個美好的季節(jié)，于是詩歌的永恒造就了友人美麗外表的永恒，這種永恒在讀者看來是內(nèi)外兼修的永恒?？梢姡覀儾环翆⑦@首十四行詩看作一個敘事文本，其中的主人翁為“友人”“我”(詩人)；這是個人敘事，敘述的是友人容貌的變化，但由于人人都有朋友，詩人所描述的友人容貌的變化在讀者看來也存在，因此也是公共敘事。這首詩的元敘事是“詩化的美麗”(poetic beauty)，具有普遍、可傳承的意義。

黃必康教授的中文翻譯仿造宋詞，通過“吾友”“君”“吾詩”等三大主角樹立了古風(fēng)古色的意境，讓讀者將詩中所敘述的情景移植到中國古代，是“再語境化”(re-contextualization)的體現(xiàn)。通過駢文結(jié)構(gòu)，將漢語翻譯的古文寫作風(fēng)格加以顯現(xiàn)，如“夏日晴馥，怎堪比，吾友俊秀雍睦”與“五月嬌蕊，疾風(fēng)過，落英紛紛簌簌”形成排比、對稱的句法結(jié)構(gòu)。通過“修辭問句+評論”的寫作方式再現(xiàn)宋詞的文風(fēng)，如“奈何人間樂福？君生無老，偕詩同向遠，與時久夙。”上述譯文并未遵循原文詩歌的形式特征。譯者基于自己對漢語駕馭自如的角度，站在目標語文化、目標語文本讀者的位置上，對源語文本進行的“改寫”，譯者操縱痕跡明顯。我們可把這種做法稱為“操縱性敘事翻譯模式”，并應(yīng)用于中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳的英譯中。試看下例：

例9：侗族的居住環(huán)境大多依山傍水，村寨都建于溪河旁、田壩中、或山腳下，寨中鼓樓聳峙，村邊古樹濃蔭，花橋橫跨流水，風(fēng)景非常優(yōu)美，侗族大都居住木樓。房屋屬“上棟下宇”式木房。一般用三根或五根主柱串穿成排，將三排或五排相對豎立，再穿枋連成架。侗寨多建鼓樓。鼓樓是侗族村寨的獨特標志，是侗族群眾集會議事的中心場所。節(jié)日集會，鼓樓又是對唱大歌的地方。一般，一個族姓建一座鼓樓，有的村寨有四五個族姓，就要建四五座鼓樓。侗族的長廊風(fēng)雨橋和花橋也是民族傳統(tǒng)建筑藝術(shù)中的瑰寶。風(fēng)雨橋多建于遠離村寨的溪河之上，不僅給侗寨增添風(fēng)采，也取村寨吉祥之意。

參考譯文：Most Dong people live beside mountains and waters. The Dong’s villages are typically located beside rivers, between farm fields, or at the foot of mountains. There stand Drum Towers and age-old trees; there bridges for Dong’s entertainment (called Hua bridges) stride across creeks or rivers. Drum towers, feature bridges and cottages form beautiful scenery. Particularly should be mentioned Dong’s architecture. The residence houses are characterized with traditional Chinese construction skills. Wood and tile are the main materials; beams are joined together, and three or five pillars are connected in a row, standing as an interconnected framework. Drum Towers are common scenes in Dong’s villages. They are unique Dong’s constructions for collective meetings. At festivals the Grand Song is performed there. Generally speaking, each clan or surname has a Drum Tower, and hence in a village with four to five surnames there should be four to five Drum Towers. The long-corridor roofed bridge (called Fengyu bridge) and the bridge for entertainment are treasures of ethnic architecture. Fengyu bridges mostly lie on rivers away from villages, adding special charms to tourists and symbolizing fortune and luck to the villagers.

例9提及“上棟下宇”式木房。這一建筑具有中國文化特征，是典型的傳統(tǒng)建筑藝術(shù)。源語文本針對的讀者是中國讀者，作者假設(shè)他們大都了解這類提法。但西方讀者則不然。因此，在譯文中加上The residence houses are characterized with traditional Chinese construction skills一句，目的是讓目標語文本讀者理解侗族是中華民族的一員，其建筑藝術(shù)也體現(xiàn)了中華大家庭的建筑特色。應(yīng)該說，這一增加的表達在譯文中起著畫龍點睛的作用，是譯者態(tài)度的介入，這是敘事翻譯視角中的“元敘事”的體現(xiàn)。這一模式可用下圖表示：

圖2表明：1)在中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英過程中，譯者必須兼顧源語文本與目標語文本，因此其身份具有雙重性，既是源語文本的譯者，也是目標語文本的作者。這種關(guān)系是雙向式的，即源語文本、目標語文本對譯者兼作者產(chǎn)生內(nèi)容、信息安排、語言表述的影響，譯者兼作者也掌握著源語文本、目標語文本的內(nèi)容、信息、語言形態(tài)生成。2)譯者通過與源語文本、源語文本作者的對話以及和目標語文本讀者的對話，在目標語文本的信息組合和安排、翻譯策略與技巧等方面加以“操縱”，在這一過程中，源語文本讀者的作用可以放置第二位置，不做重點考慮。3)各翻譯技巧的最終目的是彰顯“元敘事”，即譯者作為“敘事者”需體現(xiàn)文本主題或精神。以例9為例，該譯文的“元敘事”就是“作為中華民族建筑藝術(shù)家庭一員的侗族建筑藝術(shù)”。據(jù)此，在譯文的最后，對原文的“風(fēng)雨橋多建于遠離村寨的溪河之上，不僅給侗寨增添風(fēng)采，也取村寨吉祥之意”在信息上作了處理，改為“這樣的建筑對游客來講增加了特殊魅力，對村民來講象征財富與吉祥”(Fengyu bridges mostly lie on rivers away from villages, adding special charms to tourists and symbolizing fortune and luck to the villagers)。這一翻譯策略與技巧的應(yīng)用使得目標語文本的信息更為明晰，符合操縱理論的“明晰化準則”(rule of explicitness)?？梢?，相對于“加注式敘事翻譯模式”，這一模式在中國少數(shù)民族文化漢譯英過程中賦予了譯者更大的自主性，使得公共敘事、元敘事得以更為完善地表現(xiàn)出來。

圖2 操縱性敘事翻譯模式

與“加注式敘事翻譯模式”相比較而言，“操縱性敘事翻譯模式”突顯的是元敘事，所謂的公共敘事、個人敘事的采用、所占比例皆圍繞元敘事而展開。試看例10的翻譯：

例10：姊妹節(jié)是苗族娛樂性節(jié)日。流行于黔東南苗族侗族自治州臺江、施秉、黃平等縣。黃平縣、施秉縣過節(jié)的時間是每年農(nóng)歷二月十五，而臺江縣則是三月十五。苗語叫“濃嘎良”。節(jié)日以青年女子為中心，以邀約情人一起游方對歌、吃姊妹飯、跳蘆笙木鼓舞、互贈信物、訂立婚約等為主要活動內(nèi)容。最具代表性和影響力的是施洞地區(qū)的姊妹節(jié)，時間是每年農(nóng)歷三月十三日至十六日。十三日，各村寨的姊妹們都上山去采擷木葉、姊妹花等花草樹葉，制作黑、紅、黃、藍、白五色糯米飯。十四日下田捕魚撈蝦，湊錢購買鴨、肉、蛋等，于某家擺設(shè)“姊妹餐”宴請外房族的小伙子。十五、十六日是節(jié)日的高潮。白天，姊妹們梳妝打扮，穿上漂亮的衣裙，佩戴華麗的銀飾與小伙子在笙鼓場上跳蘆笙木鼓舞；晚上，男男女女相聚于游方場上對唱情歌，談情說愛。節(jié)日結(jié)束后，姊妹們用竹籃盛裝五色糯米飯，飯里藏匿松針、椿芽、辣椒等愛情標識，把自己的心思傳達給男子。苗族姊妹節(jié)已列入第一批國家級非物質(zhì)文化遺產(chǎn)名錄。

參考譯文：Sisters’ Festival is an entertainment festival for the Miao people, called Nong Ga Liang in the Miao language, popular in Taijiang, Shibing and Huangping Counties of Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture of Guizhou Province. In Huangping and Shibing Counties the festival is held on lunar February 15 while in Taijiang County on lunar March 15. The Chinese Xinhua News Agency reported on April 19 (lunar March 15), 2019 that thousands of Miao people sing antiphonal songs as a way of celebration in Taijiang County, Guizhou Province. The size of participation is spectacular indeed. Young women are the center of the festival, and the activities include inviting lovers for singing duet (You Fang), eating Sisters’ Rice, dancing to the accompaniment of Lusheng and wooden drum, exchanging gifts as love tokens, and making engagements of marriage. The most influential Sisters’ Festival is observed in Shidong area from lunar March 13 to 16. On this occasion the young women of each village would collect leaves and Sisters’ Flowers, and make sticky rice in 5 colors—black, red, yellow, blue and white. On the 14thpeople would go to the fields for fish and shrimps, raise money for duck, pork and eggs, and set a “Sisters’ Meal” for young men of other clans. The 15thand 16thare the peak times. In the daytime the Sisters would dress up at their best, wear splendid silver ornaments and dance with young men at the Lusheng and drum site to the accompaniment of Lusheng and wooden drum; at night men and women would gather at the You Fang site for singing duet and dating. After the festival is over, the Sisters would hold the colorful sticky rice in bamboo baskets, with pine needles, Chinese toon sprouts and chili inside as tokens of love, and send it to their attached men. According to Chinese ethnologists and other international scholars, this festival embodies strong flavors of inherited customs and striking ethnic notions of love and marriage, hence regarded as “Oriental Valentine’s Day”. Miao, an important component of the Chinese people, have exerted much impact on the domestic and international stages due to their distribution in and outside China, and naturally Sisters’ Festival has been listed as one of the first national intangible cultural heritages. The following two pictures show a clear sign of how the festival looks like, judging from the girls’ dressing and the women’s active participation in making colorful sticky rice. Also, they reveal the dominating role of Miao women in social life, thus a window of vestiges of matriarchal society passed down from generation to generation.

Picture 1 Miao girls in splendid costumes on Sisters’ Day(Source：https://baike.so.com/doc/5706844-5919563.html)[17]

Picture 2 Miao women making colorful sticky rice on Sisters’ Day(Source：https://baike.so.com/doc/5706844-5919563.html)[17]

上述譯文包括了公共敘事、個人敘事、元敘事。公共敘事主要是對節(jié)日的描述，個人敘事為譯者插入的觀點，是對節(jié)日盛況的評議，而元敘事則是通過民俗學(xué)家等專家的觀點揭示節(jié)日的意義與影響。兩張圖片可看作個人敘事、公共敘事兼有。一方面，圖片展現(xiàn)的是某位攝影者的報道與視角。另外一方面，攝影者也代表了在場的旁觀者的視角，甚至是未到場的讀者的視角，典型畫面能從多模態(tài)的層面揭示該節(jié)日的過程。表1顯示了例10譯文的個人敘事、公共敘事、元敘事的具體體現(xiàn)和意義：

表1苗族姊妹節(jié)的敘事翻譯

公共敘事

具體體現(xiàn)：

1.Sisters’ Festival is an entertainment festival for the Miao people, called Nong Ga Liang in the Miao language, popular in Taijiang, Shibing and Huangping Counties of Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture of Guizhou Province. In Huangping and Shibing Counties the festival is held on lunar February 15 while in Taijiang County on lunar March 15.

2.Young women are the center of the festival, and the activities include inviting lovers for singing duet (You Fang), eating Sisters’ Rice, dancing to the accompaniment of Lusheng and wooden drum, exchanging gifts as love tokens, and making engagements of marriage. The most influential Sisters’ Festival is observed in Shidong area from lunar March 13 to 16. On this occasion the young women of each village would collect leaves and Sisters’ Flowers, and make sticky rice in 5 colors—black, red, yellow, blue and white. On the 14thpeople would go to the fields for fish and shrimps, raise money for duck, pork and eggs, and set a “Sisters’ Meal” for young men of other clans. The 15thand 16thare the peak times. In the daytime the Sisters would dress up at their best, wear splendid silver ornaments and dance with young men at the Lusheng and drum site to the accompaniment of Lusheng and wooden drum; at night men and women would gather at the You Fang site for singing duet and dating. After the festival is over, the Sisters would hold the colorful sticky rice in bamboo baskets, with pine needles, Chinese toon sprouts and chili inside as tokens of love, and send it to their attached men.

意義：

1.事件過程陳述。

2.客觀面的呈現(xiàn)。

3.目標語文本的主要內(nèi)容。

元敘事

具體體現(xiàn)：

According to Chinese ethnologists and other international scholars, this festival embodies strong flavors of inherited customs and striking ethnic notions of love and marriage, hence regarded as “Oriental Valentine’s Day”. Miao, an important component of the Chinese people, have exerted much impact on the domestic and international stages due to their distribution in and outside China, and naturally Sisters’ Festival has been listed as one of the first national intangible cultural heritages.

意義：

1.專家對民族節(jié)日的專業(yè)性解讀。

2.揭示節(jié)日的民俗意義。

3.與目標語讀者的交流、互動。

從譯文中，我們不難發(fā)現(xiàn)，個人敘事、元敘事在源語文本中沒有明確體現(xiàn)出來，往往需要譯者增添信息，信息來源于相關(guān)可靠的研究、報道等。如，個人敘事搬出了新華社的報道[18]：

4月19日在臺江縣翁你河畔拍攝的苗族姊妹節(jié)對唱活動現(xiàn)場。當(dāng)日，貴州省黔東南苗族侗族自治州臺江縣萬名苗族同胞歡聚翁你河畔，以傳統(tǒng)對唱的方式歡慶苗族姊妹節(jié)。

新華社是中國的官方新聞媒體機構(gòu)，其可信度高，因而譯者的聲音、與讀者的互動、主體性更好地加以體現(xiàn)了。

元敘事通過中國民族學(xué)家和國際學(xué)者的觀點，展現(xiàn)了苗族姊妹節(jié)的民俗意義、國際影響以及列為中國第一批國家級非物質(zhì)文化遺產(chǎn)的合理性。兩張圖片可讓目標語讀者進一步了解節(jié)日的盛況，對節(jié)日的主題有較好的烘托作用，直觀地表現(xiàn)了節(jié)日對游客的吸引力。

苗族姊妹節(jié)是苗族重要的節(jié)日，其歷史悠久，參與面大，影響力強，每年都要舉行，這方面的資料、圖片較為豐富。譯者不必受到源語文本的內(nèi)容繁簡、格式的狀況的限制，為了能夠更好地展現(xiàn)這一節(jié)日的盛況、意義，譯者可從內(nèi)容、格式上加以操縱，可融入多方面的觀點。也就是說，源語文本的性質(zhì)可為譯者作用的發(fā)揮提供較大的空間。

敘事存在各種體裁的文本中，也就是說敘事存在于描寫、論述、說明文中，敘事翻譯模式適合于各種體裁的文本中。相比較而言，它更適用于故事情節(jié)較強或有一定故事情節(jié)的源語文本，如民族介紹、節(jié)日、民俗、故事等。試看下例：

例11：“查白”歌節(jié)，是布依族人民的重大節(jié)日之一。這個節(jié)日起源于布依族民間故事。據(jù)傳說，有一對布依族青年男女查郎和白妹，在勞動中建立了真摯的愛情，貪婪的財主搶走了聰明的白妹，害死了樸實善良的查郎，白妹悲憤交集，放火燒毀財主大院，并跳入烈火，以身殉情。多少世紀以來，每年農(nóng)歷六月二十一日就成了布依族人民的“查白”歌節(jié)。每年這天，黔、桂、滇三省邊界的布依族青年男女，從四面八方聚集在興義市一個叫作查白的地方，唱山歌，吹木葉，彈月琴，賽歌，以期在歌會上找到意中人。

參考譯文：Chabai Singing Festival is a significant Buyi holiday, dated back to a folk tale. Once upon a time, a lad named Chalang and a lass named Baimei, fell in deep love in the course of living and work. Yet, fate played a practical joke on this couple. The girl was snatched away by a lusty landlord, and worse still her boyfriend, kind and honest was tortured to death by the evil landlord. Confronted with such a heavy blow, she set the landlord’s house compound on fire, and jumped into the flames, sacrificing her life for her beloved. For many centuries, the tale has been circulating in the Buyi areas on the border of Guizhou, Guangxi and Yunnan. In memory of the fidelity of the couple, Chabai (a blend of the names of the young couple) Singing Festival is held in Chabai (named after the young couple) of Xingyi City every lunar June 21, where people sing folk songs, and play the local Muye mouth-organ and the Yueqin fiddle. Sometimes, young people could find their attached dating partners there.

例11譯文使用的是“加注式敘事翻譯模式”，體現(xiàn)在：(1) Chabai (a blend of the names of the young couple) Singing Festival(“查白”作為節(jié)日是“查郎”和“白妹”名字的首字縮寫)；(2)Chabai (named after the young couple) of Xingyi City(“查白”作為一個地名也是“查郎”和“白妹”名字的首字縮寫)。這一加注也顯示了這對青年戀人在歌節(jié)中的重要性，是故事的主角，通過這兩個主角故事加以展開，節(jié)日的民俗意義得到了體現(xiàn)。

例12：“吃新節(jié)”是貴州各地仡佬族的傳統(tǒng)節(jié)日，多在農(nóng)歷七月初七舉行，有少數(shù)地區(qū)在農(nóng)歷六月初六。在貴州仡佬族中流傳這樣一則神話，說谷種是狗隨仡佬族祖先到天上去取谷種，由于祖先的被天神扣押，狗不得已，只有用自己的尾巴悄悄把谷種帶到人間，從此人類才開始有谷種種植?！俺孕鹿?jié)”是以祭祀祖先和自然神為主要特征的節(jié)日，主要通過祈神、娛神，來達到祈求風(fēng)調(diào)雨順，五谷豐登的意愿。

參考譯文：Eating New-harvest Festival is a traditional Gelao people’s festival in Guizhou, held mostly on lunar July 7 or 6. The holiday is much related to a legend among the Gelao people. Once upon a time, a dog went to the Heaven with his Gelao owner in order to steal grain seeds. Yet, their intention was seen through by the Heavenly Gods, and the Gelao ancestor was arrested. Fortunately, the dog, which had the grain seeds hidden in its tail, was set free. The stolen grain seeds then brought about harvest after harvest to the human world. Eating New-harvest Festival is a holiday devoted to the sacrifice to ancestors and Nature Gods, which is meant to bless human beings with favorable weather and bumper harvest through sacrifice to gods.

例12告訴讀者貴州仡佬族的“吃新節(jié)”的來歷，通過故事的方式說明了上天種子到達人間的不平凡經(jīng)歷，彰顯了仡佬族祖先及其飼養(yǎng)的狗的神勇行為與品德。譯文采取了典型的英文故事陳述的方式once upon a time，是譯者操縱的結(jié)果。Hasan[19]50-72認為，各種語類或體裁(genre)具有“必要成分”(compulsory elements)以及“選擇性成分”(optional elements)。敘事中將時間、地點、人物、行為、結(jié)果甚至寓意列為必要成分，是由必要的，符合故事發(fā)展脈絡(luò)。例7譯文將故事類型的語類潛勢(generic structural potential)發(fā)揮得較為淋漓盡致，讓目標語讀者了解到“吃新節(jié)”的民俗來源，較強的故事性增加了譯文的吸引力，對于推動中國少數(shù)民族文化對外宣傳具有積極意義。

例13：六月六是布依族、水族、土家族等民族傳統(tǒng)節(jié)日。流行于廣大少數(shù)民族地區(qū)。布依族稱之為“六月場”“過小年”“關(guān)秧門節(jié)”“敬盤古”等，水族稱“六月六”為“卯節(jié)”。布依族多在夏歷六月十六或二十六日過節(jié)。屆時，家家殺豬宰牛，包粽子供奉祖先、祭盤古。有的還殺狗慶賀。有的用白紙制作三角形小旗，沾上雞血或豬血，插到田里，謂可免除蝗災(zāi)。岑鞏縣注溪鄉(xiāng)對的土家族兒童則云集鄉(xiāng)場，盡情游玩，各種適當(dāng)要求也能得到滿足。榕江縣仁里、料理、橋桑等地的水族則在六月初五這天打掃門庭院落，包粽子和備節(jié)日食用的各種菜、糯米飯等迎接客人的到來。獨山縣基長一帶的水族則要到羊場溫泉洗澡。高峰時期可達三四千人。洗澡節(jié)活動有舀“神水”、洗澡、對歌。

參考譯文：Liuyueliu is a traditional festival of the Buyi, Shui and Tujia people, popular in many minority areas. Liuyueliu is called by the Buyi people as “Liuyuechang” (Lunar June Occasion), “Guo Xiaonian” (Celebrating Small New Year), “Guanyangmen Jie” (Rice Seedling Transplanting Completion Festival) and “Jing Pangu” (Worshiping King Pangu), while the Shui people refer to it as “Maojie” (Mao Festival). The Buyi people tend to celebrate it on lunar June 16 or 26. On this occasion pigs and oxen are slaughtered and Zongzi (sticky rice wrapped in bamboo leaves for steaming until edible, a traditional Chinese festival food) (Chinese rice pudding) is made to worship ancestors and King Pangu. In some homes dogs are killed for celebration. Some people make triangle-shaped banners with white paper, smear them with chicken or pig blood, and plant them inside the croplands, which are supposed to keep off grasshopper attacks. In Duidi of Zhuxi Township, Cengong County, the Tujia children gather at some sites for joys and their demands can be satisfied as much as possible. On lunar June 5 the Shui people of Renli, Liaoli and Qiaosang of Rongjiang County clean their courtyards, make Zongzi, and prepare all sorts of dishes and sticky rice so as to greet the guests. The Shui people of Jichang of Dushan County would have hot-spring baths in Yangchang on this day. There can be as many as 3000 to 4000 bathers, and the activities for bathing include getting “holy water”, having a bath and singing a duet.

例13指出“六月六”是多個少數(shù)民族的具有特色的節(jié)日。敘事體現(xiàn)在節(jié)日中活動的安排上。譯文采取了“加注式敘事翻譯模式”，把“六月六”的不同稱呼用“拼音+意義解釋”模式加以呈現(xiàn)，如：“Guo Xiaonian” (Celebrating Small New Year)、“Guanyangmen Jie” (Rice Seedling Transplanting Completion Festival)、(Worshiping King Pangu)。雖然原文及譯文似乎描寫成分較多，但因為具有時間、地點、人物、活動、寓意等故事體裁的敘事成分，因而敘事性較強。

例14：侗族是中華民族中具有悠久歷史的一個民族，來源于古“百越”族系,由秦漢時期西甌中的一支發(fā)展而來。侗族主要分布黔湘桂鄂四省(區(qū))毗鄰地方。在封建王朝統(tǒng)治以前，侗族每個氏族或村寨，皆由“長老”或“鄉(xiāng)老”主持事務(wù)，通過侗款，利用習(xí)慣法維持社會秩序，這種組織一直保存到19世紀20年代初期。侗族居住地，史稱為“溪峒”，四周山巒，內(nèi)有平壩，壩上溪水環(huán)流，平壩土壤肥沃，大者萬余畝，小者數(shù)百畝。侗族文學(xué)藝術(shù)豐富多彩，有“詩的家鄉(xiāng)，歌的海洋”之稱。詩歌格律嚴謹，韻韻相扣，句句相映，比喻貼切，具有很強的藝術(shù)感染力。情歌優(yōu)美，真摯熱情；敘事歌委婉曲折，含義深長，可連唱數(shù)夜；歌詞多以人類起源、民族遷徙和夫妻相愛、男女相戀為題材，具有史料價值；流傳故事曲折，引人入勝。音樂曲調(diào)宛轉(zhuǎn)悠揚。琵琶歌，因以琵琶或加“格以琴”(俗稱牛罷腳)伴奏而得名，曲調(diào)歡快流暢，為侗族所特有。一領(lǐng)眾和、多聲合唱的無樂器伴奏的侗族“大歌”，聲音洪亮，氣勢磅礴，節(jié)奏自由，享有盛名。以演唱者和聽眾人數(shù)多而得名。主要流行于黔東南苗族侗族自治州黎平、榕江、從江等縣的侗族聚居區(qū)。其特色是主旋律在低聲部，高聲部是附和、派生的。其特點是：無伴奏、無指揮。黔東南州歌舞團侗族大歌合唱隊于1986年10月應(yīng)邀在法國巴黎藝術(shù)節(jié)上演唱，被法國《解放報》譽為“最有魅力的復(fù)調(diào)音樂”。

參考譯文：

As one of minority groups in China, Dong has a long history. And Dong people are descendants of Baiyue ethnicity who lived near the Guilin River in the Qin and Han Dynasties. Now Dong people mostly live on the borders between Guizhou, Hunan, Guangxi and Hubei Provinces. Before the establishment of feudalism, all daily affairs were ruled over by a prestigious elder in a Dong clan or village. According to the folk law, the elder, called as Zhanglao or Xianglao, would cope with affairs via Dong Kuan—regulations of the Dong.This system was not canceled until the early period of the Republic of China in 1912.

Xidong, the gathering place of Dong, is a flatland embraced by mountains, where there are flowing streams and fertile soil. The Dong flatlands vary in size. Specifically, the bigger one may be over ten thousandmu(1mu=1 000 square meters), while the smaller one is only several hundredmuin size.

Dong have always enjoyed the reputation of “Hometown of Poetry, Ocean of Songs”, because they have rich colorful literary and art works. The poetry is appealing since its rules and forms are precise and profound. Furthermore, love songs are beautiful and emotional while ballads are mellow and meaningful, which are long enough to sing for several days on end. And the themes of songs include origin of human beings, migration of minority people, conjugal love and affection between lovers.

Pipa song, peculiar with Dong, is named because of the accompaniment of lute (Pipa in Chinese pinyin) or Geyi lyre (a string instrument with bull-leg shape for Dong). With Geyi lyre accompanying, songs sound more cheerful and fluent. Another unique performance for Dong is the Grand Song, which is famous for harmony and vigor without accompaniment and conductors when more than several hundred local singers sing together. Interestingly, the bass of the chorus is responsible for the main rhyme, while the treble echo. In October 1986, the Grand Song Troupe of Guizhou’s Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture was invited to have a performance in Paris Art Festival in France. The performance was hailed byLiberationas “the most enchanting polyphony”.

例14呈現(xiàn)了侗族的來源、居住環(huán)境、生活與勞動、藝術(shù)等特征，譯文采用了“加注式敘事翻譯模式”。譯文的敘事模式表現(xiàn)在：(1)主人公清晰：侗族；(2)民族來源以及藝術(shù)表演特點的敘事特征明顯；(3)括弧內(nèi)的注釋有助于目標語讀者了解中國少數(shù)民族文化的豐富性，把握其真正的內(nèi)涵，有助于表現(xiàn)元敘事特點。

五、敘事視角下的中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英的反思

敘事翻譯模式為漢譯英、英譯漢提供了有趣的路徑，擴展了譯者的自主性。然而，應(yīng)當(dāng)清楚不是什么類型的源語文本在轉(zhuǎn)化為目標語文本時都適合使用敘事翻譯模式，即便是使用，也是有較大的局限性的。Gentzler[20]168-221探討了莎士比亞(Shakespeare)的《哈姆雷特》(Hamlet)在中國的翻譯與傳播。眾所周知，《哈姆雷特》是傳播最為廣泛的故事，很多讀者可能沒有讀過該劇本，但對其中丹麥王子復(fù)仇的故事卻是有所耳聞或能道出個所以然?！豆防滋亍肥巧勘葋喐鶕?jù)丹麥故事編寫的戲劇，在改編該故事時作者作了以下改變：1)增加戲劇人物，呈現(xiàn)戲劇人物的二重性(即正反人物)；2)故事情節(jié)的多樣性、變化性；3)聚焦關(guān)鍵人物性格的相互影響(如Ophelia對Hamlet的影響)，表現(xiàn)在心理(如瘋癲)、對事件的解析上。據(jù)此，《哈姆雷特》的外譯文本呈現(xiàn)出多樣性、多元性等特點，有丹麥版、挪威版、英國版，等等。在莎士比亞的《哈姆雷特》中，Ophelia(Hamlet的戀人)的“誠實”(honesty)與“美麗”(beauty)聯(lián)系在一起。因為Ophelia外表漂亮，自然會吸引不少追求者(suitor)，因此在該劇第三場中Hamlet對Ophelia說：“如果你是誠實的，就不應(yīng)與美麗有所瓜葛”。Hamlet擔(dān)心Ophelia會像其母親做出有違女人貞潔之事。莎士比亞想表達以下元敘事：美麗≠真理，這與濟慈在《希臘古甕頌》所表達的主題不同：美麗=真理(Beauty is Truth, truth beauty)?！豆防滋亍吩谥袊姆g與傳播與梁啟超、林紓、田漢等著名人物有關(guān)，經(jīng)歷了社會變革、改寫、五四運動等階段，譯文與原文的關(guān)系更多地體現(xiàn)在形象上，而非語言、文體(語體)的忠誠上。如，林紓的《哈姆雷特》中文譯文標題為《鬼召》(A Ghost’s Summons)，表現(xiàn)的是哈姆雷特死去的父親托夢的情形；林紓的譯文還在故事情節(jié)上有所變化，體現(xiàn)在“戲劇中的戲劇”(play-within-the-play)，旨在表現(xiàn)主人公的復(fù)雜心理。田漢是中華人民共和國國歌的詞作者，他在翻譯《哈姆雷特》為中文時采用了“話劇”(Huaju/spoken drama)而不是“戲曲”(Xiqu/melody theater)風(fēng)格，中文劇本包括了歌曲、舞蹈甚至武術(shù)等內(nèi)容。田漢的翻譯超出了傳統(tǒng)的翻譯模式，引入了一種新型體裁(genre)。他的翻譯方法可看作為“中國社會變革的催化劑”(catalyst for social change in China)。Gentzler認為，這種翻譯方法可稱為“譯編”(transadaptation)，即“翻譯+改編”，也是一種“改寫”(rewriting)，服務(wù)于譯者的意識形態(tài)。

《哈姆雷特》在中國的翻譯與傳播為我國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳的漢譯英敘事翻譯模式提供了借鑒，具體操作標準如下：1)甄別適合于敘事翻譯模式的源語文本。一般來講故事特征較強的文本較為合適，其他類型的源語文本要視情況而定，如某一部分使用敘事翻譯模式，其他部分則按照功能等值模式操作。2)中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳的漢譯英在當(dāng)今的政治話語體系下應(yīng)突顯中華民族命運共同體的意識形態(tài)，應(yīng)較為正面地宣傳中國少數(shù)民族文化。3)譯者個人聲音(體現(xiàn)為源語文本中沒有但在目標語文本中出現(xiàn)的內(nèi)容，視為個人敘事)應(yīng)與本主題相關(guān)，應(yīng)為官方信息或可靠的媒體報道、學(xué)者研究成果，構(gòu)成譯者主體性的“互文性”(intertextuality)。換句話說，譯者的態(tài)度、觀點=學(xué)界、官方或民間的態(tài)度、觀點。4)譯者的個人聲音所占比例不應(yīng)為目標語文本內(nèi)容的主體，即不能超過50%，否則會造成嚴重脫離源語文本的狀況。

基于上述標準，我們可以看例15的漢譯英：

例15：叫魂是少數(shù)民族民間習(xí)俗。他們認為，小孩受過驚嚇如落水、遇見蛇等，或經(jīng)?；疾〉男『?以及一些年輕人，包括已婚、未婚的)等，其魂已不附體，要舉行巫事把它叫回來。屆時，由他們的母親或祖母，在家中拿一枚雞蛋、一根竹竿到受驚嚇的地方，一邊喊名字，一邊往回走。到家后，把蛋放在碗中的米上，碗放在“掉魂”人的衣服上，把刷把、飯瓢、鍋鏟等放在濾米的簸箕內(nèi)，簸箕放在鍋中。一共放置3天，白天取出。米和蛋三天后煮給“掉魂”者吃。認為通過作用，病人才能恢復(fù)，受驚者的靈魂才不會離身，才不至于生病。

參考譯文：Soul calling is a folk custom of minority people. It is assumed that the soul may depart from the body when kids are scared and fall into the water or see a snake, or for sickness-stricken kids and young people (both married and single). Shamanistic activities have to be held in order to retrieve the soul. On this occasion the mother or grandmother of a victim would take an egg and a bamboo pole to the place where frights or scares occur, shouting the name of soul owner and walking back home. At home the egg would be put inside the rice in a bowl on the clothes of the “soul loser”; a brush, a rice ladle and a wok scoop would be put inside a basket for rice screening in a wok for 3 days until they are taken out in the daytime. Afterwards the rice and egg are boiled and fed to the “soul loser”. It is believed that through this activity the sick can recover, the soul of the scared person would not leave the body, and hence the person would get well again. Never take soul calling as a superstitious act, it is rather a folk custom that reveals the people’s good wishes for the recovery of the frightened souls, indicates their belief in mental well-being in harmony with Nature, and shows a faith inherited from generation to generation requiring respect for mental supremacy, much alike to western prayer or church attendance. According to Maren Tomforde[21]154-155Hmong people (Miao in China; Miao outside China referred to as Hmong in experts’ diction) in Thailand exhibits a harmony of sky, earth and sphere underneath the earth, a trinity of the world in their belief. Soul calling embodies such a notion as soul is pulled back from the sky and the sphere under the earth to the earth through shamanism.

譯文的最后部分增加了譯者的評論，雖然占用的內(nèi)容比例不多(不超過整體內(nèi)容的50%)，但十分重要，意思是：請不要將叫魂看作為一種迷信行為，它是一種民間風(fēng)俗，揭示了人們希望受驚嚇者能夠康復(fù)的良好祝愿，說明人們認為心理上安康與自然和諧應(yīng)為一致，顯示這一信仰代代相傳，要求尊重心理至上的理念，與西方的祈禱或教堂禮拜相似；相關(guān)專家的研究表明，泰國的苗族(祖先在中國)認為世界為天、地、地下三分，其信仰表現(xiàn)了三方面的和諧統(tǒng)一，因此叫魂體現(xiàn)了人們通過巫事希望“掉魂者”能恢復(fù)這種和諧，“掉魂”意味著和諧的破壞。該部分反映的是“個人敘事”，體現(xiàn)的是“元敘事”，有助于宣傳中國政府尊重少數(shù)民族文化風(fēng)俗的做法，同時通過提及叫魂類似西方宗教的禱告或教堂禮拜，以說明我國少數(shù)民族享有宗教自由。專家的觀點進一步證實了中國少數(shù)民族的信仰的傳承性以及文化生態(tài)性，具有較強的“互文性”。這里的“元敘事”為：宗教或民俗自由+天人合一的思想(漢族、少數(shù)民族皆有)。據(jù)此，例15的譯文較好地體現(xiàn)了敘事翻譯模式的基本要求。應(yīng)當(dāng)說，不管是“加注式敘事翻譯模式”還是“操作性敘事翻譯模式”，都應(yīng)遵循上述三個標準。表2說明了叫魂儀式的敘事翻譯模式操作程序：

表2 叫魂儀式的敘事翻譯模式的程序

前文提到，敘事是個文學(xué)概念。文學(xué)作品中，敘事有利于突顯人物形象：扁平人物 (flat figure)、圓形人物 (round figure)。扁平人物指的是文學(xué)作品里性格單一的人物，雖表現(xiàn)形式多樣卻沒有統(tǒng)一，如“阿Q”，圓形人物性格多樣但統(tǒng)一，如“王熙鳳”。在敘事翻譯模式中，人物形象的突顯有利于表現(xiàn)“元敘事”。試看下例：

例16：六甲公是水族民間信仰。流行于黔南布依族苗族自治州三都水族自治縣及周邊水族地區(qū)。據(jù)說是《水書》的創(chuàng)造者。辦喪事舉行“開腔”敲牛、敲馬時，念經(jīng)的水書先生首先要舉行儀式請“六甲公”來掌握禮規(guī)和時間。在請“六甲公”之前，要將房間打掃干凈，在床上鋪好新稻草和放上新被子，在死者棺材的右邊用一個簸箕，放一尺白布、幾穂谷子、幾杯酒、幾條魚、一個銀項圈、一雙銀手鐲和六炷香等物，此時水書先生手持六吊谷子，口中念念有詞，行迎接“六甲公”儀式。

參考譯文：Mr. Liujia is a folk belief of the Shui people, popular in Sandu Shui Autonomous County and its neighboring Shui areas of Qiannan Buyi and Miao Autonomous Prefecture of Guizhou Province. Mr. Liujia (Liu Jia Gong) is said to be the founder of “Shui Scripts” (Shui people’s written characters and documents). At funeral services “mouth opening” is held for ox or horse knocking (a prelude of pleading Liu Jia Gong for appearing); at this time the master of Shui Scripts would first hold a ceremony to invite Liu Jia Gong to regulate the rituals and time concerned. Before Liu Jia Gong is invited, the room must be cleaned, and new rice stalk is placed on the bed along with a new blanket; on the right of the coffin of the dead is put a basket, with a 1-Chi (1 Chi=1/3 meter) piece of white cloth, a few ears of rice, several cups of wine, a handful of fish, a silver necklace, a pair of silver bracelets and six incenses inside it. The master of Shui Scripts holds 6 strings of rice, chants something and carries out the rituals of welcoming Liu Jia Gong. In the eyes of spectators and Shui people the master of Shui Scripts is the incarnate of Liu Jia Gong.

例16中的“六甲公”是水族的民間信仰，但也是《水書》的創(chuàng)始者，其貢獻的認可是通過民間祭祀(此處為葬禮)來加以表現(xiàn)的。譯文采取的模式主要是“加注式敘事翻譯模式”，如：1)Mr. Liujia (Liu Jia Gong) (表明“六甲公”是個男性，也采取了拼音表達，旨在幫助目標語讀者與源語讀者的互動，使得前者能了解到后者的真實性別及具體稱呼)；2)“Shui Scripts” (Shui people’s written characters and documents)(括弧注釋了水書為水族文字及相關(guān)文獻，幫助目標語讀者了解這一民族特色的文化負載詞的真實含義)；3)At funeral services “mouth opening” is held for ox or horse knocking (a prelude of pleading Liu Jia Gong for appearing)(括弧注釋了“開腔”是請求六甲公現(xiàn)身的前奏，突出宗教祭祀的目的)；4)1-Chi (1 Chi=1/3 meter)(括弧注釋了中國的度量衡轉(zhuǎn)換為西方度量衡的值，方便目標語讀者理解)。譯文在結(jié)尾也采取了“操縱性敘事模式”，加上了In the eyes of spectators and Shui people the master of Shui Scripts is the incarnate of Liu Jia Gong(在水族群眾和旁觀者看來，水書先生就是六甲公的化身)，而此句原文中沒有，目的是為了突出元敘事，這一手段也有助于體現(xiàn)六甲公或水書先生的“圓形人物”形象。六甲公是水族文字的創(chuàng)始人，也是水族的祖先崇拜對象，其形象可通過宗教祭祀或喪葬禮儀表現(xiàn)出來，也可在水書先生的一舉一動中加以彰顯，顯示出六甲公的多樣而統(tǒng)一的性格。

應(yīng)當(dāng)說，“扁平人物”和“圓形人物”這對文學(xué)概念在敘事翻譯模式中并非表現(xiàn)得那么絕對分開，很多情況下它們是相互融合的，這一現(xiàn)象在少數(shù)民族節(jié)日文化宣傳漢譯英中尤為顯著。試看下例：

例17：敬橋節(jié)是苗族祭祀性傳統(tǒng)節(jié)日，流行于黔東南苗族侗族自治州苗族地區(qū)，時間在農(nóng)歷的“二月二”。祭品有雞蛋、鴨蛋或鵝蛋以及糯米飯、臘肉、米酒、香燭之類。敬橋的目的主要在于祈求橋神保佑小孩無災(zāi)無難，而久婚不育的婦女則希望通過此舉來祈求生兒育女。在三穗縣寨頭一帶，“敬橋節(jié)”又被稱為“禳橋節(jié)”。當(dāng)?shù)孛癖姵伺e行祭祀活動之外，還組織踩蘆笙，唱情歌、斗牛、斗鳥、籃球比賽等娛樂活動。儀式體現(xiàn)了苗族人“修路補橋，有子保子，無子得子”的原始宗教觀念。

參考譯文：Bridge-worshiping Festival is a traditional festival of religious services of the Miao people, popular in the Miao areas of Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture of Guizhou Province, normally celebrated on lunar February 2. The objects for services include chicken, duck and goose eggs, sticky rice, preserved pork, rice wine, incenses and candles. Bridge-worshiping is conducted mainly to pray to bridge gods for the peace and happiness of children, and the pregnancy of those women who have been infertile for a long time. In Zhaitou of Sansui County, Bridge-worshiping Festival is also known as “Bridge-deifying Festival”. On this occasion the local people would organize Lusheng blowing, love song singing, buffalo fight, bird fight and basketball games in addition to religious services. The rituals demonstrate the Miao’s primitive religious faith that “roads should be built and bridges repaired so as to bless those infertile women to have children while wishing the children other women to live long and happily”.

例17的譯文與原文基本上對應(yīng)，沒有增加原文中缺少的內(nèi)容，只是在譯文中補充了On this occasion(在此場合)，以說明節(jié)日活動的開展情況。因此，譯文采取的是“加注式敘事翻譯模式”。上述譯文沒有具體提及某人，但是突顯了兩類人物：婦女(包括久婚未育者以及有孩子者)、大眾百姓。婦女和大眾的觀念相同：有子孫傳承、子女平安。這種性格似乎是單一的，但由于祭祀活動的多樣性、參與者的廣泛性，人物的形象顯得既有單一性(思想執(zhí)著)，也有多樣性(不同參與者訴求有異)，但又具有統(tǒng)一性(希望家庭傳承、家庭平安)?？磥?，少數(shù)民族節(jié)日文化宣傳的敘事漢譯英體現(xiàn)的是“扁平人物”與“圓形人物”形象的混合性。

敘事翻譯模式在當(dāng)今民族文化旅游對外宣傳中也能扮演重要角色。如：

例18：鎮(zhèn)山村的上寨遠離水庫，下寨靠近水庫，有劃船和燒烤活動，游客們更愿意到下寨來，所以下寨的農(nóng)家樂和住宿要比上寨多得多，下寨的村民從旅游獲得的收入顯然要比上寨的村民要多。為了防止出現(xiàn)收入差距太大，村委采取了相應(yīng)的辦法，也就是將劃船和燒烤的生意交給上寨的村民來經(jīng)營，但畢竟來劃船和燒烤的人沒有到農(nóng)家樂和住宿的人多，收入上的差距還是不可避免的。2005年之后鎮(zhèn)山村的旅游呈現(xiàn)出下降的趨勢，游客越來越少，尤其是在2010年之后下降得更為明顯，收入也下降了，這與鎮(zhèn)山村原生態(tài)的布依文化逐漸消失、旅游產(chǎn)業(yè)單一、還有周邊旅游景區(qū)的興起有關(guān)。現(xiàn)在到鎮(zhèn)山村的游客比原來少了許多，顯得比較冷清，以李老漢家為例，李老漢家的農(nóng)家樂是在1993年開始的，到現(xiàn)在為止26年了，起初每年到他家吃飯、娛樂的人非常之多，名氣相當(dāng)大，當(dāng)時他的妻子是做刺繡的，每次游客到李老漢家除了吃飯，還有參觀刺繡、買刺繡等活動。李老漢家賣刺繡賺了不少錢，最貴的時候賣到了上千元一件。當(dāng)時鎮(zhèn)山村旅游發(fā)展特別好的時候，他家生意之火爆，連吃飯都要電話預(yù)定，而現(xiàn)在則要到門口去攬客。原來是一家人一起做的農(nóng)家樂，但自從鎮(zhèn)山旅游進入衰退時期，客人越來越少，家里的兒女因為客人少便到城里打工了。農(nóng)家樂的生意由李老漢夫婦來經(jīng)營，后來李老漢去世了，只好由妻子一個人來做，原先在庭院賣刺繡的情境再也一去不復(fù)返了。鎮(zhèn)山村旅游開發(fā)的歷程經(jīng)歷了初步發(fā)展時期、黃金發(fā)展期、衰退期三個時期。

經(jīng)過多年來的旅游開發(fā)，鎮(zhèn)山村的面貌發(fā)生了巨大的改變，旅游的人數(shù)越來越多，村民為了迎接旅游者的到來，把自家的房子裝修成餐館、茶樓等，有些家庭為了擴大旅游者的接待人數(shù)，將自己的家的房子增高兩到三層，弄成小洋樓模樣，有些家房子面積小達不到開農(nóng)家樂的標準，便把自己家改裝成商鋪的形式向游客銷售旅游商品和布依族特色的手工藝品等，在這樣的情況下鄉(xiāng)村民俗也發(fā)生相應(yīng)的變化，主要體現(xiàn)在兩個方面。一是自然的變遷，這種變遷是隨著時代的變化和經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展而改變的，主要體現(xiàn)在衣食住行和婚喪嫁娶方面，旅游開發(fā)對鄉(xiāng)村民俗變遷的影響較大，似乎是不可逆轉(zhuǎn)的趨勢或自然發(fā)展規(guī)律。二是被迫的變遷，即當(dāng)?shù)鼐用癫坏靡迅淖冏约旱拿袼滓浴坝稀苯?jīng)濟發(fā)展。

鎮(zhèn)山村是一個以布依族為主體的村寨，每逢重要的節(jié)日，都會有相關(guān)的節(jié)慶活動，如三月三、四月八、六月六(這三個節(jié)日為布依族節(jié)日)以及中國傳統(tǒng)的節(jié)日等。布依族在這些節(jié)日里會有歌舞表演，還有眾多的布依族特色美食呈現(xiàn)給食客，如五彩糯米飯和香腸臘肉等。村民會利用這樣的節(jié)日來吸引游客。旅游開發(fā)使得某些傳統(tǒng)的節(jié)慶活動發(fā)生了改變，譬如考慮到游客的需要，增加了一些新的儀式。在飲食方面，為了適應(yīng)不同地方游客的口味，在布依族傳統(tǒng)的菜肴制作方面做出了些改變，比如菜的鹽味變淡些，或是增加些新的家常菜以滿足游客的口味。在語言上，過去鎮(zhèn)山村村民交流的主要媒介是布依語，但隨著旅游業(yè)的發(fā)展，外來游客越來越多，村民不得不學(xué)習(xí)漢語以方便與游客溝通，時間長了，布依語在村中的交流與使用就變少了，除了少數(shù)上了年紀的人能說一些簡單的布依話，在年青的一代人中，布依話儼然已成“外語”。 另外，鎮(zhèn)山村的村民被漢化，失去了許多民族特色，游客的文化旅游動機減少，轉(zhuǎn)而去其他旅游景區(qū)。因為這里的吃飯和娛樂項目在其他旅游景區(qū)同樣能夠滿足，相比起來沒有什么特色，到鎮(zhèn)山村來不是到農(nóng)家樂吃飯，就是去打麻將，絲毫感受不到原生態(tài)的布依族文化，游客對于沒有文化特色的布依村寨不再感興趣。

參考譯文：Zhenshan Village is composed of the upper part and the lower part. The upper part is far from the reservoir while the lower part is close to it, which offers such activities as boating and barbecue and hence is a place where tourists enjoy visiting. As a result, there are more farmers’ accommodations in the lower part than in the upper part, and surely an income gap comes into being when tourism is involved, the former being richer than the latter. To reduce the income gap, the Village Committee took some measures; specifically the business of boating and barbecue is handed over to the upper part. Nevertheless, more people come for farmers’ accommodation than for boating and barbecuing, and hence the income difference is unavoidable. After 2005 tourism declined in Zhenshan Village with fewer and fewer visitors, which was particularly evident after 2010. As a consequence the income from tourism dropped, which is supposed to be related to the gradual disappearance of the indigenous Buyi culture in Zhenshan Village, the monotonous structure of tourism, and the emergence of nearby tour spots. Fewer tourists come to Zhenshan Village than before, which thus looks quite desolate. Take Senior Li for example. Mr. Li started a farmers’ accommodation in 1993, 26 years before now. In the beginning many people came to Mr. Li’s home for meals and entertainment, making it well-known near and far. Also, his wife did embroidery at that time. Whenever the tourists came, they would eat to their heart’s content and had a good time, and they also visited Mrs. Li’s embroidery and even bought some of her works. The Li’s family earned much from the sales of embroidery; the most expensive product could sell over 1000 yuan a piece. The then tourism was prosperous and so was Mr. Li’s business. Sometimes people had to make phone reservations for meals. It was totally different from now when most families have to attract customers themselves. The business used to be managed by the whole family, but since tourism in Zhenshan Village receded, there were fewer and fewer guests, and for a lack of guests and income Mr. Li’s son and daughter had to work outside in town. The farmers’ accommodation used to be operated by the Li couple, yet after Li died it had to be left to Mrs. Li alone. The scene of courtyard sales of embroidery is gone forever. The tourism development in Zhenshan Village went through three periods, namely, the initial, golden and recession periods.

It is pleasing to find that Zhenshan Village has taken on a new look after years’ tourism development. Due to an increasing number of tourists, some villagers decorated their houses into restaurants and teahouses, and to accommodate more guests some villagers even increased their house height by two to three floors, looking like western-style houses. Some houses are not spacious enough to meet the standard of farmers’ accommodation, and then the owners converted them into shops selling tourist products and Buyi handicrafts. Under these circumstances the local rural custom has changed, mainly reflected in two aspects. The first is related to natural transformation. In other words, the change happened with time and economic development, mainly revealed in food, clothing, funeral and marriage. Tourism development exerted much impact on local folk custom, which seems an irreversible trend or a natural development law. The second is that the farmers had to change their custom to “cater to” economic development.

Zhenshan Village is mainly a Buyi residence. At each important festival, such as lunar March 3, April 8 and June 6 (Buyi festivals) and traditional Chinese festivals, there are relevant celebrations. The Buyi people would put on singing and dancing shows and offer a variety of Buyi foods to the diners, for example, colorful sticky rice, sausage and preserved pork. The villagers make full use of these occasions to attract customers. Of course, tourism development has changed some traditional festival activities. For instance, considering the tourists’ needs, some new ceremonies were added. In diet some change has been made in traditional Buyi cuisine in order to meet the tastes of different customers, for instance, less salt in dishes or more homemade dishes. In language Buyi used to be the main medium of communication between the villagers, yet with tourism development and an increasing number of travelers, the farmers have to learn Chinese for communication with outsiders. As time goes on, the Buyi language is less used except for some elderly people who are able to say simple Buyi. For the young generation it has become a “foreign language”. Also, many villagers here have been sinicized and lost their ethnic features. This reduces the tourists’ cultural motivation and they turn to other scenic spots, where meals and entertainment are equally satisfied. There seems to be no special ethnic feature in Zhenshan Village except for food and Majiang game. The loss of indigenous Buyi cultural features drives many tourists away from the village.

上面的例子介紹了貴陽市花溪區(qū)鎮(zhèn)山村旅游業(yè)發(fā)展的喜憂。故事的敘事部分表現(xiàn)在李老漢一家旅游發(fā)展的起起落落以及鎮(zhèn)山村旅游發(fā)展對當(dāng)?shù)仫L(fēng)俗習(xí)慣的正面和負面的影響。譯文在敘述李老漢一家旅游業(yè)接待高峰期和低落期時采取了一般過去時，是敘事模式的基本特點。在描述外來游客對旅游收入的初期增加、初期的旅游繁榮以及風(fēng)俗同化造成布依族民俗民風(fēng)的消減和吸引力的減少時，譯文采取了一般過去時、現(xiàn)在完成時、一般現(xiàn)在時三種時態(tài)，體現(xiàn)了旅游發(fā)展的過程以及相關(guān)影響。這些時態(tài)的使用是英語敘事模式的典型特征。在這個“操縱性敘事翻譯模式”中，李老漢、外來游客、鎮(zhèn)山村的布依族百姓是主人公，其形象與當(dāng)今民族文化旅游所帶來的機遇、造成的問題吻合。表3說明了這一敘事模式的特征：

表3 鎮(zhèn)山村布依族文化旅游的敘事翻譯模式

六、結(jié)語

Maestri[22] 145-182討論了自傳故事的翻譯對于對話空間(dialogic space)和互文共鳴(intertextual resonances)的影響。根據(jù)Maestri的觀點，故事講述者未必遵循時間順序。由于存在著多個故事空間，它們之間的界限不明，因而各故事之間的關(guān)聯(lián)較為復(fù)雜。敘事過程的復(fù)雜性通過時間有序/無序、故事間關(guān)聯(lián)清晰/模糊的特征來體現(xiàn)。鑒于此，對話空間呈現(xiàn)出流動、動態(tài)的特點。譯者在故事翻譯過程中必須考慮以上因素，理順各個故事之間的關(guān)系，因而目標語文本會展現(xiàn)故事間互文共鳴的特征。互文共鳴在敘事翻譯模式中還可通過個人敘事、元敘事加以表現(xiàn)。我們在此討論的個人敘事為譯者的觀點插入或補充，其實個人敘事還包括故事中單個人物的故事講述，本文引用的例子未涉及這點。

敘事翻譯模式在中國少數(shù)民族文化宣傳漢譯英的過程中扮演著“對話窗口”(dialogue window)的角色，有助于更好地將中國優(yōu)秀文化推向世界舞臺。無疑，敘事翻譯模式是對“功能等值論”“翻譯文化轉(zhuǎn)向”“翻譯操縱論”的有力補充。本文對Mona Baker、Juliane House倡導(dǎo)的敘事翻譯模式進行了進一步解讀，提出了具體模式(加注式敘事翻譯模式、操縱性敘事翻譯模式)、操作程序(內(nèi)容甄別、意識形態(tài)以及個人敘事、公共敘事、元敘事的表現(xiàn)、所占比例)等，豐富了跨文化交際翻譯學(xué)理論與實踐框架，是《跨文化交際翻譯學(xué)：理論基礎(chǔ)、原則與實踐》的姊妹篇。我們還要另外撰寫相關(guān)文章，從其他翻譯路徑進一步豐富跨文化交際翻譯學(xué)的理論和實踐框架。