坂本典昌　著

祝力新　　譯

?

人人當(dāng)家的集體經(jīng)營(yíng)方略①

坂本典昌著

祝力新譯

我的父親坂本美喜男，在1982年創(chuàng)立了光榮株式會(huì)社，公司至今已有34年歷史。公司的業(yè)務(wù)范圍主要包括建筑用機(jī)械、運(yùn)輸類機(jī)械的鈑金熔接和零件制造等。

公司2014年度的總營(yíng)業(yè)額是3億6千萬(wàn)日元，通常利潤(rùn)7千5百萬(wàn)日元，通常利潤(rùn)率20.6%，自主資金比率89%。但在此前的15年里公司，一直是負(fù)債經(jīng)營(yíng)的。

關(guān)注公司過去20年間的內(nèi)部保留資金與自主資金比率圖，就能看到長(zhǎng)期負(fù)債經(jīng)營(yíng)的跡象。

對(duì)于經(jīng)營(yíng)倍感艱辛的我，貪婪地閱讀著各種有關(guān)經(jīng)營(yíng)的讀本，終于邂逅了稻盛塾長(zhǎng)的著作。讀到塾長(zhǎng)著作之時(shí)的內(nèi)心感動(dòng)，我至今無(wú)法忘懷。

是塾長(zhǎng)的教誨拯救了曾經(jīng)迷茫的我，于是我開始努力學(xué)習(xí)，并不斷挑戰(zhàn)如何改善公司的經(jīng)營(yíng)體制。

5年前我加入了盛和塾，學(xué)習(xí)了稻盛經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)的精髓。今天請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我向大家講述，我是如何將塾長(zhǎng)的教誨應(yīng)用于實(shí)踐的。

我出生在稱不上富裕的工薪家庭，在得知家里的一位親戚做生意十分成功之后，心中就產(chǎn)生了自主創(chuàng)業(yè)獲得成功的強(qiáng)烈愿望。1981年大學(xué)畢業(yè)后，考慮到將來(lái)自立門戶的前景，我在大阪的一家小型纖維商社就職了。

兩年后，父親突然辭去了工作，在絲毫沒有考慮今后生計(jì)的情況下，一手創(chuàng)立了新的公司。果然，毫無(wú)遠(yuǎn)見的事業(yè)發(fā)展得并不順利。父親曾幾次央求我去給他的公司搭把手，我卻夢(mèng)想著能夠白手起家獨(dú)立創(chuàng)業(yè)。在苦惱之余，我終究無(wú)法拋舍下父親。1987年，我終于做出了艱難的抉擇，回到家鄉(xiāng)進(jìn)入父親的公司工作，那一年我28歲。

進(jìn)入公司后，不景氣的經(jīng)營(yíng)現(xiàn)狀使我感到十分震驚。營(yíng)業(yè)額逐月下滑，赤字不斷膨脹，殘酷的現(xiàn)實(shí)讓我恐懼至極。

每到月末，我都會(huì)親眼目睹父母二人滿臉悲切地談?wù)撝Y金周轉(zhuǎn)。剛剛回收的現(xiàn)金支票馬上拿出去打折兌現(xiàn)，眼看著便要傾家蕩產(chǎn)。公司的賬戶時(shí)?？湛杖缫病９S的場(chǎng)地、父母的房屋、還有其他少量土地，都被拿去抵押貸款，這樣的惡性負(fù)債滾雪球般越積越多。我惶惶不可終日，每到月底就會(huì)因憂愁而夜不能寐，即便睡著也會(huì)被噩夢(mèng)驚醒。最常夢(mèng)到的就是支票無(wú)法兌現(xiàn)，公司破產(chǎn)。那時(shí)過的是無(wú)法預(yù)見未來(lái)的、惶恐不安的日子。

另一方面，我卻有一位盲目樂觀的父親，他總是認(rèn)為只要能挨過月底，轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)自然就會(huì)到來(lái)。面對(duì)這位凡事不知輕重的父親，我時(shí)常感到莫名憤怒。曾有幾次，我對(duì)父親怒吼道：“既然是你擅做主張創(chuàng)立的公司，就給我認(rèn)真負(fù)責(zé)到底！老爹你真是一個(gè)失敗的經(jīng)營(yíng)者！”然而父親卻總是找盡各種推脫的理由和借口來(lái)為自己辯解。我為有這樣的父親感到羞憤難當(dāng)，常常忍不住自己一個(gè)人生悶氣。

公司如此際遇，當(dāng)然不會(huì)有踏實(shí)工作的員工。銷售隊(duì)伍渙散不堪，薪酬低廉，自然也是從來(lái)沒有發(fā)放過獎(jiǎng)金。

公司的資金鏈時(shí)常處在斷裂的邊緣，我雖然頂著巨大風(fēng)險(xiǎn)開拓了新的業(yè)務(wù)，仍然無(wú)法保證產(chǎn)品的質(zhì)量和供期。我一個(gè)人承擔(dān)全部善后工作，心中孤苦不堪。我握緊了拳頭，心中吶喊著：“這樣的公司還有未來(lái)嗎？究竟我要怎樣努力才能拯救公司？現(xiàn)在我要拼死一搏了！”

懷著絕不服輸?shù)男臍鈨海也粩嗵魬?zhàn)著自我的極限，卻始終無(wú)法從人力和資金嚴(yán)重匱乏的困境中掙脫出來(lái)。為了償還銀行貸款不斷地重新借貸，導(dǎo)致了資金鏈惡性循環(huán)。正是在這樣的情況下，公司開展的汽車維修養(yǎng)護(hù)業(yè)務(wù)，一直持續(xù)到1988年。

那時(shí)工作雖然十分辛苦，也無(wú)法預(yù)見未來(lái)的發(fā)展，我還是堅(jiān)持改善了員工們的薪酬待遇，組織小型公司集體旅行。這個(gè)過程十分緩慢艱辛，但卻逐漸得到了員工們的認(rèn)可。

此后，公司開始逐漸擺脫赤字危機(jī)，距離盈利卻仍有距離。我煩惱的是自己并不真正理解經(jīng)營(yíng)為何物，于是開始廣泛閱覽各種經(jīng)營(yíng)讀本。其后的1988年，我邂逅了稻盛塾長(zhǎng)的著作《提高心性、拓展經(jīng)營(yíng)》一書。我反復(fù)拜讀之后，書的內(nèi)容深深地震撼了我的心靈。我想：“自己一直尋找的原來(lái)就是這個(gè)！”在反復(fù)研讀這本書的過程中，我逐漸改變了從前的一些看法和做法。

書中“無(wú)私的人最動(dòng)人”一節(jié)中寫道：“應(yīng)該把自我坐標(biāo)定位在擺脫私利私欲，為了‘自己所在的集體’而努力拼搏。”這樣的教誨一針見血地刺入了我的心中。

我想到：“目前為止我所有的努力，不過是以成就自己的事業(yè)和發(fā)家致富等私利私欲為出發(fā)點(diǎn)的。正是因?yàn)槲业南敕ū拔ⅲ圆艧o(wú)法成就大事。我決心要遵循塾長(zhǎng)的教誨，舍棄一己私欲，將公司全體員工當(dāng)做自己所在的集體，為了他們而去努力工作?！?/p>

于是，為了重新“構(gòu)建經(jīng)營(yíng)”，我遵照塾長(zhǎng)教誨的“每天都要帶著使命感全身心地生活，這樣的實(shí)踐能夠堅(jiān)持多久，才是考驗(yàn)經(jīng)營(yíng)者真正價(jià)值的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)?！蔽移疵ぷ?，發(fā)誓要把自己的一生貢獻(xiàn)給經(jīng)營(yíng)事業(yè)。

首先是徹底貫徹5S*日本制造行業(yè)與服務(wù)行業(yè)中約定俗成的、通用的職場(chǎng)環(huán)境守則。包括整理(Seiri)、整頓(Seiton)、清掃(Seisou)、清潔(Seiketsu)和賞罰(shitsuke)，因以上五個(gè)詞匯的日語(yǔ)發(fā)音都是以S開頭的，所以稱為5S信條。譯者注。信條，從基礎(chǔ)出發(fā)建立品質(zhì)和生產(chǎn)管理體系。然后制定今后的規(guī)章守則，并傳達(dá)給全體員工，督促他們付諸實(shí)踐。為此，公司組織了每周一次的“光榮員工培訓(xùn)教育”，引導(dǎo)員工自己動(dòng)手修訂了5S的內(nèi)容、方法以及產(chǎn)品的質(zhì)量管理等。這個(gè)活動(dòng)剛開展的時(shí)候還效果明顯，但馬上員工們又回到了老樣子。公司員工的流動(dòng)性強(qiáng)，僅靠一、兩次的教育實(shí)在收效甚微。正在窮途末路之時(shí)，我回憶起了塾長(zhǎng)的教誨：“能堅(jiān)持多久才是考驗(yàn)經(jīng)營(yíng)者真正價(jià)值的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。”事已至此，我決定哪怕是員工們對(duì)我的話充耳不聞，也要堅(jiān)持到底。這項(xiàng)事業(yè)持續(xù)到今天，已經(jīng)歷時(shí)15年，培訓(xùn)總次數(shù)超過700次。

此外，有幸得到客戶的從中斡旋，我參加了制造行業(yè)的生產(chǎn)方式觀摩學(xué)習(xí)會(huì)。我努力學(xué)習(xí)和掌握如何將利潤(rùn)與現(xiàn)金流二者結(jié)合起來(lái)的訣竅，并耗時(shí)一年實(shí)踐了豐田公司的“招牌方式”和“一個(gè)流程”?！罢信品绞健笔秦S田獨(dú)創(chuàng)的生產(chǎn)方式，主要是指在必要的時(shí)候只生產(chǎn)必需產(chǎn)品和購(gòu)入必需耗材的管理機(jī)制。另外，“一個(gè)流程”是指在一個(gè)單位內(nèi)循序漸進(jìn)地完成多個(gè)加工環(huán)節(jié)，并保證單個(gè)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)流程的管理方式。豐田公司教會(huì)了我削減庫(kù)存和避免浪費(fèi)的有效方法。我將在豐田學(xué)習(xí)到的知識(shí)，不斷摸索著改良成為適合我公司的管理方式，效仿豐田制訂了光榮株式會(huì)社的“光榮招牌方式”和“光榮每日生產(chǎn)流程”。這些管理模式收效極大，庫(kù)存減少了近一半。隨后公司營(yíng)業(yè)額也增長(zhǎng)了2倍以上。在不投資新設(shè)備的前提下，原有的廠房只是調(diào)整了生產(chǎn)流程，就能大大增加單位時(shí)間內(nèi)的產(chǎn)量，以滿足不斷增加的新訂單的供貨需求。

2000年，針對(duì)我公司的主力產(chǎn)品、用于收納建筑機(jī)械空調(diào)的AC箱子，客戶突然提出了大幅降價(jià)的要求。當(dāng)時(shí)這種AC箱子的銷量約占總營(yíng)業(yè)額的1成，利潤(rùn)率占5%。而同行競(jìng)爭(zhēng)企業(yè)居然推出了降價(jià)15%的優(yōu)惠政策。痛失主力產(chǎn)品對(duì)公司的打擊十分巨大，而如果一旦接受客戶的降價(jià)要求，公司就會(huì)出現(xiàn)10%的赤字虧損。我煩惱到極點(diǎn)，甚至考慮要提出辭職。但到了最后關(guān)頭，我心想：“不如抓住這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，嘗試著去徹底變革公司體制，盡自己的最后一分力之后再談放棄不遲?！蔽依站o了腰帶，開始著手改善生產(chǎn)。

當(dāng)時(shí)負(fù)責(zé)具體工作的是一位技藝純熟的老師傅，能否得到他的支持和理解，是一大難題。我對(duì)自己的方案十分自信。老師傅果不其然露出了為難的表情。生產(chǎn)流程調(diào)整后，還不適應(yīng)這種工作方式的員工們產(chǎn)生了嚴(yán)重的抵觸情緒，紛紛向我抗議道：“社長(zhǎng)，這種方法是不可能縮短加工時(shí)間的！”生產(chǎn)流程的改革觸礁了。

但是我堅(jiān)定信念，不煩其煩地向員工們反復(fù)說(shuō)明。我低下頭懇請(qǐng)員工們，積極宣揚(yáng)公司改革目的和意義。我對(duì)員工們說(shuō)：“拜托大家了！至少請(qǐng)大家先配合一個(gè)月，盡力嘗試一下我提出的方法?！眴T工們終于被我說(shuō)服，走上了改革之路。

廠房里騰出了一塊專用的場(chǎng)地，大幅改良生產(chǎn)工具，主要零配件和原材料“招牌”化。大家集思廣益，在實(shí)踐中摸索如何實(shí)現(xiàn)“一個(gè)流程”。

結(jié)果和預(yù)期的一樣，最初因?yàn)閱T工們不熟悉生產(chǎn)流程，加工時(shí)間的確變緩了，但是隨著員工們對(duì)新流程的逐漸適應(yīng)，生產(chǎn)速度眨眼間加快了。我將加工時(shí)間的柱狀推移表，貼在廠房的通道旁，以供員工們參看。那位老師傅也改變了他的態(tài)度，還積極地參與進(jìn)來(lái)提出了好多建設(shè)性意見，改良生產(chǎn)流程的步伐更快了。

三個(gè)月后，加工時(shí)間竟然減半了。改良生產(chǎn)流程的直接結(jié)果，就是盡管單個(gè)商品的價(jià)格下降了15%，但總利潤(rùn)卻提高了10%。這簡(jiǎn)直就是令人無(wú)法相信的奇跡，我和老師傅還有所有員工們都激動(dòng)了。我興奮地想著：“我們自己的創(chuàng)意和所下的苦工，是能夠?qū)崒?shí)在在地變成利潤(rùn)的！我掌握了‘創(chuàng)造利潤(rùn)的武器’！”

我深刻意識(shí)到塾長(zhǎng)曾教誨的只要“用心經(jīng)營(yíng)”和努力實(shí)踐，就一定能夠取得成績(jī)。

2001年，我42歲之時(shí)就任了社長(zhǎng)一職。

我此前也曾說(shuō)過許多對(duì)父親不滿的話，但實(shí)際上，父親是一位風(fēng)趣幽默且富有人格魅力的人。如今回想起來(lái)，他在眾人心中擁有領(lǐng)袖的魄力，深受員工們的愛戴。而且他心靈手巧，是一位一流的匠人。父親作為經(jīng)營(yíng)者，有使人心甘情愿俯首稱臣的人格魅力，他擅于與人溝通，極具親和力。他總是鼓勵(lì)我說(shuō)：“你小子真是很能干啊，我以你為榮！”

父親的退隱過程也同樣精彩，他對(duì)我說(shuō)：“公司就拜托你小子了，要好好為公司打算??！”就說(shuō)了這樣一句話后，他真的把一切都交托給了我。雖然三年前父親亡故了，但是他在人生的最后日子里都時(shí)刻關(guān)心著公司員工們，他也曾時(shí)常激勵(lì)著我。如今想來(lái)，我是在父親的寬闊胸懷里，作為經(jīng)營(yíng)者被悉心呵護(hù)培養(yǎng)起來(lái)的。我非常感謝父親。

我在就任社長(zhǎng)之后，更加滿懷熱情地投入工作了。這之后營(yíng)業(yè)額與利潤(rùn)也在不斷攀升，我開始自信起來(lái)了。

第二年我拜讀了《稻盛和夫的實(shí)踐經(jīng)營(yíng)塾》一書，卻仿佛被當(dāng)頭棒喝了一樣。

“只有社長(zhǎng)才能給企業(yè)注入活力”、“用人格魅力來(lái)引領(lǐng)部下”、“沒有10%的利潤(rùn)就不能稱之為事業(yè)”等塾長(zhǎng)的箴言警句，無(wú)論哪一條我都沒有做到。于是我暗下決心：“自己還沒有具備經(jīng)營(yíng)者應(yīng)有的魅力和能力。既然如此，就讓公司員工們也一道承擔(dān)經(jīng)營(yíng)，開啟全體員工共同參與經(jīng)營(yíng)的模式?！?/p>

開展員工集體經(jīng)營(yíng)的第一步，是組織委員會(huì)活動(dòng)。對(duì)于工廠經(jīng)營(yíng)而言，最重要的課題無(wú)外乎是“安全”、“品質(zhì)”、“改善”、“5S”這四條。分別對(duì)應(yīng)這四個(gè)經(jīng)營(yíng)課題，公司組建了四個(gè)委員會(huì)，組織全體員工按照部門分派到不同的委員會(huì)中去。通過委員會(huì)活動(dòng)，讓每位員工們都能意識(shí)到“自己也在參與著公司經(jīng)營(yíng)”，這就是創(chuàng)建委員會(huì)的目的。

委員會(huì)最初開展的并不順利，為此我非常焦慮。兩、三年后，委員會(huì)逐漸開始成型，甚至員工們還自發(fā)組織了安全巡邏隊(duì)和檢測(cè)不合格產(chǎn)品的培訓(xùn)等等，隨著一系列經(jīng)營(yíng)策略的實(shí)施，員工們也成長(zhǎng)了起來(lái)。

安全委員會(huì)的成員以1年為任期，定期更換委員，4年期間幾乎所有的員工們都參與過安全委員會(huì)，這也從全方位替公司把握了諸多的問題點(diǎn)。另外，這項(xiàng)活動(dòng)還促成了不同部門之間的友好交流，公司內(nèi)部的氛圍也變好了。

此外，持續(xù)至今的“光榮員工培訓(xùn)教育”也收到了較好的效果，產(chǎn)品的質(zhì)量、工期和員工們的生產(chǎn)積極性都得到了提高，營(yíng)業(yè)額和利潤(rùn)率也大幅好轉(zhuǎn)。

近5年期間，公司營(yíng)業(yè)額增加了2倍，曾僅有4%至5%的通常利潤(rùn)率也在每年攀升，5年時(shí)間達(dá)到了19.6%。公司終于從債務(wù)危機(jī)中掙脫了出來(lái)，也不必再擔(dān)心資金周轉(zhuǎn)問題了。我在書店偶然挑選的《提高心性、拓展經(jīng)營(yíng)》這本書，改寫了我的命運(yùn)，它將我從人生的谷底拯救了出來(lái)。

還有“光榮員工培訓(xùn)教育”，推行一系列提高生產(chǎn)品質(zhì)和員工積極性的措施，敦促員工們和公司共同進(jìn)步。公司的業(yè)績(jī)得到了社會(huì)的普遍認(rèn)可，2007年我公司還獲得了石川縣人才培養(yǎng)優(yōu)良企業(yè)第1名的榮譽(yù)。

成功的喜悅，只是一個(gè)短暫的瞬間。2008年，全球經(jīng)濟(jì)遭遇了雷曼沖擊*2008年美國(guó)第四大投資銀行雷曼兄弟公司宣布破產(chǎn)，進(jìn)而引發(fā)了全球性的金融危機(jī)。譯者注。。其影響遠(yuǎn)比預(yù)想的要嚴(yán)重得多，公司營(yíng)業(yè)額激劇下滑，有些月份甚至只有前年度的2成。為了減少赤字虧損的燃眉之急，我將員工們的薪酬減半，這一舉措也得到了公司干事們的協(xié)助。此外，我還重新核查了公司所有的經(jīng)費(fèi)開支，徹底推行了經(jīng)費(fèi)最小化策略。

其中，為了進(jìn)一步壓縮制造成本，我將從AC箱子中學(xué)習(xí)到的生產(chǎn)成本改良辦法，推行到公司全體員工中，設(shè)置了以QC*即Quality Control，品質(zhì)管理。譯者注。小組活動(dòng)為中心的小集團(tuán)。這是“員工集體經(jīng)營(yíng)策略”的第二大課題。

公司共組建了5個(gè)小集團(tuán)，同時(shí)指示員工以“縮減加工時(shí)間”為主題，共同商議具體辦法。

但是員工們卻對(duì)我抱怨說(shuō)：“光是委員會(huì)活動(dòng)就已經(jīng)很辛苦了，還要再加上小集團(tuán)活動(dòng)，實(shí)在是不堪重負(fù)了！”這些不滿和疑慮的聲音充斥在公司內(nèi)部。公司的氛圍開始緊張起來(lái)，很多人指責(zé)道：“因?yàn)槭巧玳L(zhǎng)的命令，所以沒辦法就一定要去執(zhí)行！”由于無(wú)法承受工作的艱辛和任務(wù)的壓力，許多員工紛紛辭職離開了公司。當(dāng)時(shí)的我偏執(zhí)地認(rèn)為：“員工們真是可笑！無(wú)法追隨我改革的步伐，那我也只能放棄這樣沒用的員工了！”我努力將自己不切實(shí)際的言行正當(dāng)化。我那時(shí)因?yàn)楣镜臉I(yè)績(jī)低迷而變得敏感暴躁，員工們稍微犯些小錯(cuò)也會(huì)遭到我的大聲呵斥。在員工們眼中，我是“遙不可及高高在上”的存在。

無(wú)法順利推行小集團(tuán)活動(dòng)是當(dāng)然的結(jié)果。本應(yīng)順風(fēng)順?biāo)奈瘑T會(huì)活動(dòng)也因遭遇了制度化和程序化而停滯不前。本來(lái)構(gòu)思委員會(huì)和小集團(tuán)并行發(fā)展，卻與自己理想中的“員工集體經(jīng)營(yíng)策略”漸行漸遠(yuǎn)。

這樣的境況下，公司2009年度的營(yíng)業(yè)額銳減為2年前的6成。由于大力削減了經(jīng)費(fèi)開銷，公司才總算是沒有赤字虧損而已。

這之后的2010年，我收到了中村敬盛前輩的邀請(qǐng)，正式加入了盛和塾。

此前我曾拜讀過許多塾長(zhǎng)的著作，用自己的方法去揣摩體會(huì)稻盛經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)。進(jìn)入盛和塾之后，才發(fā)現(xiàn)僅憑我的自學(xué)并未真正領(lǐng)會(huì)稻盛哲學(xué)的精髓。在不斷的學(xué)習(xí)過程中，我驚嘆稻盛哲學(xué)的奧義之深，也對(duì)自己曾經(jīng)的自大十分羞愧。

我首先意識(shí)到，最重要的經(jīng)營(yíng)十二條中的第一條“明確事業(yè)的目的和意義”，我沒有真正做到。

我之前推行的經(jīng)營(yíng)理念，并沒有深入人心，只是一種形式上的裝裱而已。因?yàn)槿狈φ嬲乃枷敫?，不論我如何賣力地在工作現(xiàn)場(chǎng)推銷自己的方針，都會(huì)因?yàn)闆]有說(shuō)服力而無(wú)法真正傳達(dá)給員工，自然也就失去了團(tuán)結(jié)員工的向心力。以“人人當(dāng)家的全員集體經(jīng)營(yíng)”為目標(biāo)開始的委員會(huì)和小集團(tuán)活動(dòng)，顯然也是由于這一點(diǎn)而無(wú)法順利開展的。

我公司制定了全新的經(jīng)營(yíng)理念，以京瓷公司為范本，“在追求全體員工的物心兩方面的幸福的同時(shí)，對(duì)社會(huì)有所貢獻(xiàn)”。我篤定地認(rèn)同這個(gè)理念，心中不再迷茫。自那時(shí)開始，我在員工中大力宣傳和推行：“我公司的目的是使所有人都幸福”、“為了達(dá)成這一目的，全體員工共同努力發(fā)展公司，集體參與公司經(jīng)營(yíng)”。

在每周一次的全體會(huì)議上，公司員工們共同誦讀經(jīng)營(yíng)理念。如今所有員工都能將公司理念倒背如流。我切身體會(huì)到了經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)的目的和意義是如何滲透人心的。

隨后，我開始著手制訂公司的經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)。

“光榮經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)”出臺(tái)后，在每天的早會(huì)上我組織大家輪流朗讀。每周一次的全體會(huì)上讓員工們傳閱《提高心性、拓展經(jīng)營(yíng)》一書?！肮鈽s員工培訓(xùn)教育”也成了經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)系列中的重要組成部分。此外還在每月一次的例會(huì)上，采用塾長(zhǎng)的DVD和著作為教材，在員工中開展經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)的學(xué)習(xí)會(huì)。

對(duì)于經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)，員工們最初非常抵觸，認(rèn)為經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)“晦澀難懂”、“像宗教儀式一樣的東西”、“不知道社長(zhǎng)在想什么”等。但我的決心從未動(dòng)搖，我不斷地向員工們灌輸?shù)溃骸皼]有經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)，公司就沒有未來(lái)，大家也不會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)幸福！”由于我的堅(jiān)持不懈，隨著學(xué)習(xí)不斷地深入開展，大家漸漸地理解了我的想法。

“每天早晨閱讀經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)來(lái)蕩滌心靈，懷著愉悅的心情開始一天的工作”，員工們微笑著互相打招呼，這也正是經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)力量的直接體現(xiàn)。

我發(fā)現(xiàn)，員工們投入工作的身影和公司內(nèi)部的氛圍都充滿了活力。為了在短時(shí)期內(nèi)研發(fā)出新產(chǎn)品，大家毫不松懈地每天堅(jiān)持加班到很晚。從前上司不愿去真心教導(dǎo)下屬，現(xiàn)在卻能發(fā)自內(nèi)心地訓(xùn)導(dǎo)出錯(cuò)了的員工。

從前停滯不前的小集團(tuán)活動(dòng)也自發(fā)復(fù)蘇了。我經(jīng)常能看到員工們積極的言論和行動(dòng)，工作上的成績(jī)也突飛猛進(jìn)。委員會(huì)和小集團(tuán)這兩個(gè)課題，曾經(jīng)是不能兩全的艱難選擇，現(xiàn)在卻能同時(shí)發(fā)展。不知何時(shí)，公司經(jīng)營(yíng)已經(jīng)開始逐漸接近“員工集體參與經(jīng)營(yíng)”的理想模式了。

最近，我公司收到了來(lái)自客戶的諸多好評(píng)：“規(guī)模雖小，卻能同時(shí)開展委員會(huì)和小集團(tuán)活動(dòng)，真是太棒了！”“雖然是老品牌的公司了，產(chǎn)品卻能夠不斷推陳出新，我喜歡這樣的工廠！”“大家的心連在一起，真是讓人感動(dòng)落淚的職場(chǎng)環(huán)境！”面對(duì)這些溢美之詞，公司全體員工都十分感懷。

我想這是由于經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)真正滲透到了員工們的心中，公司擁有了向心力，大家才能如此團(tuán)結(jié)一致。

從我公司的圖表數(shù)據(jù)中可見，營(yíng)業(yè)額與經(jīng)營(yíng)利潤(rùn)率的推移變化過程。在我進(jìn)入盛和塾后，公司營(yíng)業(yè)額增長(zhǎng)了，通常利潤(rùn)率4年之間增長(zhǎng)了19.1%。

回顧當(dāng)初公司的內(nèi)部保留與自主資本比率的圖表，真是天壤之別了。

因?yàn)樾疫\(yùn)地邂逅了塾長(zhǎng)的著作，將我從債務(wù)危機(jī)中拯救出來(lái)。加入盛和塾后，公司更是加速成長(zhǎng)起來(lái)了。公司從破產(chǎn)的危機(jī)中解脫出來(lái)，能有今天的成就，全是得益于塾長(zhǎng)的教誨。感激之情無(wú)以言表。真的非常感謝塾長(zhǎng)！

下一步，我要投入的是阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)的導(dǎo)入工作。這也是“集體經(jīng)營(yíng)策略”的第三個(gè)目標(biāo)。

入塾后，自我拜讀了塾長(zhǎng)的著作《阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)》以來(lái)，一直在堅(jiān)持學(xué)習(xí)相關(guān)內(nèi)容。著作中提到：“阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)就是人人當(dāng)家做主，使員工們自主地參與到經(jīng)營(yíng)中來(lái)?！蔽覉?jiān)信，只有實(shí)現(xiàn)阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)，我一直夢(mèng)想的“真正的集體經(jīng)營(yíng)策略”才能達(dá)成。我將塾長(zhǎng)的著作當(dāng)成教科書，開始著手研發(fā)各部門的決算系統(tǒng)。

對(duì)于IT完全外行的我，自33歲開始堅(jiān)持自學(xué)，獨(dú)立研發(fā)了收發(fā)訂單、生產(chǎn)管理和原價(jià)管理等公司運(yùn)營(yíng)的電子系統(tǒng)。

將那些系統(tǒng)有機(jī)地鏈接在一起，就完成了2011年度各部門的核算系統(tǒng)，這其中的每日決算數(shù)據(jù)都能在系統(tǒng)上隨時(shí)查閱。我每天都可以檢查“單位時(shí)間核算表”，這也是塾長(zhǎng)教誨的“座艙式儀表”。

目前，以各部門經(jīng)理為主要對(duì)象開展了“阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)”的教育活動(dòng)，公司內(nèi)部馬上也會(huì)啟動(dòng)“阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)”導(dǎo)入計(jì)劃。直到今天，公司內(nèi)部構(gòu)筑起來(lái)的委員會(huì)和小集團(tuán)活動(dòng)，再加上阿米巴經(jīng)營(yíng)的助力，我公司一定會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)“人人當(dāng)家做主、真正的集體參與型經(jīng)營(yíng)”。

最后我要說(shuō)的是，去年我公司得到了“稻盛經(jīng)營(yíng)哲學(xué)大獎(jiǎng)、制造行業(yè)第一組第一名”的獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。我要感謝塾長(zhǎng)的教誨、同道中人的鼓勵(lì)以及全體員工的辛勤工作，還有與我28年甘苦與共的妻子惠子的支持。請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我借此機(jī)會(huì)，表達(dá)我的感謝之情。

能夠有幸得到這樣的激勵(lì)，今后我將更加發(fā)憤圖強(qiáng)，用腳踏實(shí)地的努力來(lái)“投入經(jīng)營(yíng)”。

(責(zé)任編輯：馮雅)

CONTENTS

The Ethical Stance of Tokugawa Japanese Confucian Philosophers

Huang Junjie[Chun-chieh Huang](4)

This article argues that Tokugawa Japanese Confucian philosophers were inclined to utilitarian ethics as opposed to intentional ethics. This ethical stance manifested itself in Japanese Confucian philosophers’comments on historical personages and reinterpretations of the Confucian core values such as the humanity (Jen， 仁) and the Way (Dao， 道).We argue in section 1 that Japanese Confucians insisted that the “goodness” was not made possible by one’s good intention， but in the effects of his deeds. We assert in section 2 that Japanese Confucians placed the priority of achievement over virtue in their comments on Kuanzhong (管仲) and Tang Taizong (唐太宗).In section 3 and 4， we argue that Japanese Confucian philosophers had interpreted Confucian core values， humanity and the Way， in an utilitarian perspective. Moreover， their “utilitarian ethics” were deeply imbued in the spirit of pragmatism (jitsugaku， 實(shí)學(xué)) in the Japanese tradition. Therefore， the question of “how is virtue possible” had been turned into the question of “what are the results of virtue.” In the Japanese Confucian utilitarian ethics， the moral ideal can easily be betrayed by the reality of history. We conclude by indicating that the intrinsic value of morality in Japanese Confucian ethics may readily be ignored and the subjectivity and autonomy of morality may hardly be affirmed.

OgyuSorai’s idea of Ghosts-Spirits and theonomic ethics

Cai Zhenfeng[Chen-feng Tsai](11)

This paper attempts to discuss the learning of OgyuSorai, not from the perspective of modernity but in the context of traditional Confucianism, and to contemplate what kind of Confucian morality it reflects—or transforms. Based on what Sorai has said: “The Way of ancient kings is nothing more than building its foundation on venerating Heaven and Ghosts and Spirits,” we can elucidate the special character of Sorai’s moral philosophy in East Asian Confucianism and the difference between him and Chinese Confucianism by analyzing his idea of Ghosts and Spirits. This paper argues that Sorai’s idea of Ghosts and Spirits and worship is transparently characterized by theonomic ethics; therefore, his philosophy can hardly be a kind of modernismin West Europe. This character made the learning of Sorai form an absolute pattern of difference sequence (差序格局) in the world of heaven and man, nature and temperament, and rites and music. Human nature, therefore, is basically neutral-neither good nor evil. Comparing with Dai Zhen (1724—1777) and JeongYak-yong (1762—1836), two East Asian scholars who were against Chu Xi’s idea of the Principle of Heaven and who both maintained the goodness of human nature and exalted Mencius philosophy, Sorai’s idea represented an obvious “Japaneseness” in the world of East Asian Confucianism. To understand this Japaneseness, “ancient layer” (Koso古層) and “basso ostinato” (執(zhí)拗的低音) provided by Maruyama Masao when discussing the history of Japanese philosophy can be useful for us.

The Formation of Matusnagasyakugo’s Ethical Thoughts and their Confucianist Application

Wang Mingbing(20)

Sekigo Matsunaga’s thought not only based on the doctrine of his teacher Seika Fujiwara, but also greatly influenced by the Confucianist Chenchun of Nansong period. From a intertextuality point of view, it is clear that the interpretations of “命、性、心、情、意、誠(chéng)、敬”in 《彝倫抄》are borrowed from that of Chenchun’s 《北溪字義》. Sekigo Matsunaga’s demonstration of integrating Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism, and his following of the Confucian idea of “三綱五常”are thoroughly practiced in his academic by the Confucian discipline of “傳道授業(yè)”.His devotion to establishing Chunqiu School, lecturing and inspiring pupils and especially the fact that most of the intellects in Edo were instructed by him outstands him more important a Confucian educator rather than a philosopher.

The Kogakuha’s Ethical Theory on Interpretation and Deconstruction of the Four Books

Dong Haozhi(28)

The kogakuha in Edo Period of Japan is world-famous for anti-Song Thought. In the process of criticize， Yamaga Sokou， Ito Jinsai， Ogyu Sorai had new explanation for the Four Books. This paper regards this understanding as the study object and explores for new explanation and deconstruction， taking their Confucianism’s Ethical Theory as the core， which highlights their thought feature of kogakuha.

The Rethink of The Influence FromZhu Shunshui’s Thought on Ogyu Sorai

Gao Yue(39)

Ogyu Sorai absorbed many qualities by Zhu Shunshui’s theory which called “Liu Jing”and“Zuo Guo Shi Han”in normal conditions.its also beyond Edo Neo-Confucianism.This article will reveal features and evolution between Sorai Ogyu and Shunshui Zhu’s theory. This synchronization beyond time and space is not only attributed to Ogyu Sorai’s regular correspondence with Zhu Shunshui’s disciples, but also to Kaga Domain who was deeply influenced by Zhu Shunshui’s thoughts and therefore became another effective access to resources.

Tradition of Watsuji Tetsuro and Transformation of “Modern” Thought

Xu Xingqing[Shing-ching Shyu](43)

This essay investigates Watsuji Tetsuro (1889—1960)， a scholar of Japanese philosophy and ethics as well as a historian of Japanese culture and thought， and his discourse on the Sakoku Edict issued by Tokugawa Bakufu in terms of the return to and the criticism on tradition， cultural and spiritual assassination， and rationalism of Christianity， as a way of exploring the merits and faults of the Sakoku Edict. It also analyzes the relations between Watsuji’s statement of rebuilding “Japanese culture” and the transformation of “modern” thought by focusing on Watsuji’s thought of revering the emperor and Confucian criticism as well as his cultural influence and non-influence.

The Reception of Marxism and Social Democracy in Early Twentieth-Century Japan:Katayama Sen and the Early Labor Movement

OTA Hideaki(52)

Most of today’s social democratic parties in West Europe originated from the Second International， which formed in 1889. In the age of the Second International many of social democrats attached importance to democracy as an essential means to achieve a socialist society， and upheld Marxism. Writings of Karl Kautsky， the theoretical leader of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD)， were considered the “orthodox” interpretation of Marxism.When the Second International was formed among European socialists， Japan， which had just achieved the Industrial Revolution， began to be confronted with “the social problems” caused by the development of capitalism， such as labor disputes， deterioration of living environment in cities， and so on. In the late of 1890s， some Japanese intellectuals started to pay attention to the social problems， and formed organizations to research them， which included the Social Policy Association (1896)， the Sociological Association (1897)， the Society for the Study of Social Problems (1897)， and the Society for the study of Socialism (1898). One of the key figures in this trend was Katayama Sen (1859～1933).Katayama not only researched the social problems， but also leaded the earliest labor union and cooperative movement in Japan. Furthermore， he linked these movements to socialism， and tried to convert them into revolutionary social democratic movement. This paper considers how Katayama， a pioneer of social democracy in Japan， accepted and interpreted Marxism in his own way.

Prohibit Japanese Pirates and Tributary : Ming Taizu’s Main Communicative Purpose with Japan

Liu XiaodongNian Xu(59)

Ming Taizu’s main communicative purpose with Japan is always attributed to “prohibit Japanese Pirates”, but by comparing the imperial edicts of the early Hongwu period, we can find a new probability that is Ming Taizu’s main communicative purpose with Japan maybe is to make Japan submitted to Ming Dynasty, “prohibit Japanese Pirates” is only the secondary purpose. Ming Taizu take the states’submittal as the external certification of governmental orhtodoxy. In this respect, Japan is very important. Because Japan’s unyieldingness to Yuan dynasty had been establish as a protective attitude toward “The Huayi Order”. The record about Japanese King kaneyosisinnou’s tribute in Hongwu 4 year maybe is a intentional description to satisfied with Ming Taizu’s purpose.

The Threefold Variation of the “Theory of Expelling the Barbarians” from the Tokugawa to Early Meiji Period

Zhang Kunjiang[Kun-chiang Chang](67)

There are three parts in this paper，describing the developments and changes of “Theory of Expelling the Barbarians” from early modern to modern Japan. The paper points out that the first stage the awareness to expel the barbarians arose in the early-middle Tokugawa period. At this stage， “barbarian” referred to “the internal，” which corresponded to the“Chinese” of Chinese Culture and， in particular， the “Chinese” of Confucian culture. Therefore， some Tokugawa intellectuals were eager to refute the idea of “Chinese as the Other， Barbarians as Us.”The hot debates on Chinese Barbarianism at this stage demonstrated cultural autonomy.The second stage of Expelling the Barbarians treated “barbarian” as “the external，” and “barbarian” primarily referred to “Western” interferences. At this stage， the “external barbarians” had become a military threat， and culturally， this caused changes in the bushido philosophies.Regarding the third stage of the Theory of Expelling the Barbarians， the “Theory of Civilization” that was based in the West had replaced the usual term “Theory of Expelling the Barbarians” in the East. FukuzawaYukichi’s Theory of Civilization was a prominent representation of the “reversal” of Eastern into Western cultures. This paper also shows the two main differences between this wave of “Theory of Civilization” and the “Theory of Chinese Barbarians” of Confucianism in the past.The first is the switch from “virtue” to “wisdom” in ethics. The second is the switch from “benevolence” to “fidelity” under the principle of transcendence. The virtues of “fidelity”，“filial piety”， “wisdom”， “virtue，” and “benevolence” in Confucianism had all been changed by the proponents of the Theory of Civilization and the Theory of Sovereignty in the Meiji period into concepts of virtue that reflected the ideas of Japanese autonomy， and in this way， they had become a “New Theory of Civilization” at the center of the nationalist spirit.After this wave of “New Theory of Civilization，” Japan had not only become independent from Chinese culture， she had also overcome FukuzawaYukichi’s Theory of Civilization， from which she had created an “East Asian Theory of Civilization.” Japan called herself the honorary representation of “East Asian Culture.” She became the reference for theories on the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere later on， and dominated the ideological dialogues after the Meiji period until the Second World War.

The social chaos in late Ming Dynasty in the observation of Korean Envoys：Centering on Korean Envoys’Chao Tian Lu

Diao Shuren(79)

As a part of Scholar-officials，the Korean Envoys identified themselves as “Chinese”. They took Chinese Culture as the standard of all as well as the universal values，and use these values to observe and think. Their observation and thinking on Chinese society provide us a new perspective to study the late Ming period，and their comments on the chaos in late Ming Dynasty are exactly the reactions of their universal values. Therefore， the Envoys’Ultimate Concern contains the idea of taking Ming Dynasty as a warning to Korea，but moreover，it also carries an expectation of achieving the real “China” by replacing Ming with Korea.

Nagasaki To-tsuji and Tokugawa Japan’s “Cherishing Traders from Afar”

Wang Laite(89)

The To-tsuji group in Qing-Japan trade possess the official identity under the Tokugawa Bakufu as well as interpreters. By tidying up the historical origin, the evolution of organization and function of these people，reviewing their actions in the trading activities, we can clarify how Tokugawa regime established its own regional order and trading system by imitating China’s Tributary system, and how did Bakufu implemented the imagined “Japanese Hua-Yi Order” into action by exerting its authority on the Chinese traders.

Zhongyuan Dynasty’s Cognition of the Okhotsk Sea before 6th Century

Shen Yimin(97)

The Okhotsk Sea is an important natural factor which has a great influence on the political situation in Northeast Asia. Based on 〈Shanhaijing(山海經(jīng))〉，the courts of Zhongyuan(中原，central area)had probably known the existence of the Okhotsk Sea as early as in the pre-Qin period. But the cognition of the Okhotsk Sea hadn’t been inherited by the aftertime. The courts of Zhongyuan had to restart the recognitive process to the Okhotsk Sea in the Wei， Jin， South and North Dynasty. There was some definite evidence to prove that the courts of Zhongyuan had known the existence of the Okhotsk Sea in the Northern Wei Dynasty from which the Northeast tribes such as Wuluohou(烏洛侯)， Doumolou(豆莫婁)etc. delivered the message， and the river systems such as Wanshui(完水)， Nanshui(難水)etc. existed.

[收稿日期]2016-03-01

[作者簡(jiǎn)介]坂本典昌，日本光榮株式會(huì)社董事長(zhǎng)。

[文獻(xiàn)標(biāo)識(shí)碼]A

[文章編號(hào)]1674-6201(2016)01-0113-05

①本文由日本盛和塾提供。