摘要：全球不同區(qū)域住宅產(chǎn)業(yè)有關(guān)的領(lǐng)域，受特定文化、社會、經(jīng)濟和政策環(huán)境的影響，設(shè)計、規(guī)劃、類型和形態(tài)都差異巨大。住宅設(shè)計與建設(shè)的過程，一方面根據(jù)房地產(chǎn)經(jīng)濟的規(guī)則，另一方面也被視為公共事務(wù)。

維也納有著一百多年政府直接強烈參與住房市場和住房生產(chǎn)的歷史。該市也是世界上公共住宅比例最高的城市之一，當(dāng)前有超過 60% 的人口居住在政府所有或補貼建造的住宅中。維也納市是歐洲最大的房東，擁有超過220，000套公共住房，并且管理著200，000套由市政補貼建設(shè)的公寓。因此維也納市一直是歐洲建筑產(chǎn)量最高的城市之一，處于中高密度的狀態(tài)，同時每一代社會住宅都成為住宅研究與創(chuàng)新的試驗場。良好的建筑環(huán)境使該市連續(xù)十多年被評為世界最宜居城市。本文總結(jié)維也納社會政策和住房設(shè)計之間的歷史關(guān)系及其對當(dāng)?shù)噩F(xiàn)代住宅設(shè)計原則的影響。

關(guān)鍵詞：社會住房；住房歷史；住房政策；奧地利住房

Abstract： The programming， typology and morphology in housing design differ widely worldwide and are a result of specific cultural， social， economic and policy environments. Housing design， but also the whole construction process can either follow the rules of private real estate economy or can be a seen as public matter in form of social housing.

Vienna has continuous history of more than hundred years of strong direct government involvement in the housing market and housing production. The city has one of the world’s highest percentages of public housing. Today more than 60% of the population is living in government owned or subsidized flats. The City of Vienna is the largest landlord in Europe， owning more than 220，000 apartments， and administration another 200，000 flats built with municipal subsidies. The city of Vienna has consistently one of the highest building outputs in Europe， in a medium to high-density environment. At the same time each successive generation of residential buildings serve as a testing ground for innovation in housing research. The qualities of the built environment have resulted in the city being ranked the world’s most livable city for more than decade in a row. This paper follows the historical relationship between social policies and housing design in Vienna and its impact on current housing design principles.

Keywords： social housing; housing history; housing policy; Austrian housing

維也納連續(xù)一百多年來政府直接參與住房市場和住房生產(chǎn)。該市是世界上公共住房比例最高的城市之一，如今有超過60%的人口居住在政府所有或補貼建設(shè)的住宅中。維也納也是歐洲最大的房東，擁有超過220，000套住宅，并管理著200，000套由市政補貼建造的公寓。 （Tsenkova， 2021， S. 222）

值得特別注意的是，維也納的社會住房并不像美國和其他許多國家那樣與貧困和犯罪聯(lián)系在一起。相反，它與高質(zhì)量的生活和出色的建筑設(shè)計相聯(lián)系 （Ramasubramanian， Albrecht， amp; De Leon ， 2023， S. 2-8）。維也納連續(xù)十多年被評為全球最宜居城市，反映出其高質(zhì)量的建筑環(huán)境 （Mercer， 2023）。

維也納的社會住房在整個歐洲廣為人知，來自各國（尤其是德國）的專家和政治代表團定期前來了解維也納社會住房情況 （Ludwig， 2017， S. 22-35）。2023年，《紐約時報》在一篇名為《租房者烏托邦的教訓(xùn)》的文章中將維也納的住房描述為真正的烏托邦。

在本文中，筆者首先簡要介紹維也納社會住房的歷史，然后討論維也納實現(xiàn)住房的各項政策。

1" 發(fā)展概覽

住房建設(shè)和城市規(guī)劃與人們的生活滿意度密不可分。人們大部分的休閑時間都在自己的居住環(huán)境中度過，住宅單元配置、平面設(shè)計、建筑類型和城市規(guī)劃配置，以及社會設(shè)施的整合方式，都會影響居民的質(zhì)量感知 （Peer， 2004）。由于影響因素復(fù)雜，不同國家對于住房問題的處理存在顯著差異，這往往會影響建筑密度、綠地布置、功能組合等許多因素。

維也納的社會住房自起始以來，一直與社會政策目標密切相關(guān)。即使在早期，維也納社會住房的基本理念也遠遠超出了單純提供居住空間，而是成為實現(xiàn)新烏托邦社會的大型社會實驗的一部分 （Gruber， 1991， S. 185）。要了解維也納的社會住房，首先需要了解其歷史與社會政治環(huán)境。

1.1" 1918 年之前：世紀末時期的住房短缺

1900年，維也納的居民人數(shù)超過200萬。大量來自奧匈帝國各地區(qū)的移民涌入，導(dǎo)致嚴重的住房短缺。僅有私人出租的廉價住房，這些住房普遍都沒有自來水和廁所。其結(jié)果是住房投機、高租金、過度擁擠以及無家可歸的現(xiàn)象普遍存在。在1900年的維也納，200萬人口中有30萬人沒有固定住所 （Nicholls amp; Ziegler， 2019， S. 119）。許多住在小公寓里的人為了省錢，與“租床者”分享有限的居住空間?！白獯舱摺笔侵敢陨倭抠M用在公寓里租用床位幾個小時的人 （Jackson-Beckett， 2024， S. 50）。當(dāng)時維也納的住房狀況是全歐洲最差之一，這也導(dǎo)致了疾病的高發(fā)與傳播，因此結(jié)核病在許多國家也被稱為“維也納病”。

1.2" 1919-1934：紅色維也納

“紅色維也納”是國際上對1919年至1934年維也納社會民主黨政府的通稱，特點是其社會政策、福利政策、住房政策和文化政策。這一社會政策的基本原則早在1900年起就已在維也納社會民主黨的綱領(lǐng)中有明確規(guī)定。第一次世界大戰(zhàn)后的第一次選舉中，社會民主黨在市政府中獲得絕對多數(shù)支持。在城市政府自治的基礎(chǔ)上，他們集中建立了醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)，包括照顧窮人和老年人，以及推動健康、現(xiàn)代化的住宅建設(shè)，并擴大公共設(shè)施。

“紅色維也納”的意義遠不止于此，它是一項教育改革實驗，旨在使大多數(shù)城市人口，包含被視為低資產(chǎn)階級的“工人階級”文明化、文化化和衛(wèi)生化。從意識形態(tài)上來說，這場奧地利馬克思主義運動 （Blum amp; Smaldone， 2015， S. IX）被理解為“自上而下的現(xiàn)代化”。通過漸進式的日常革命，他們集中于以下三個方面：社會福利、市政住房和學(xué)校改革 （Yazdanpanah， 2019， S. 313）?！凹t色維也納”社會政策的基本原則是支持有需要的人。人民有權(quán)獲得社會關(guān)懷，同時個人有義務(wù)遵守衛(wèi)生和社會當(dāng)局制定的規(guī)則，從而平衡這一權(quán)利。由于第一次世界大戰(zhàn)和戰(zhàn)后多年的供應(yīng)不足和饑餓造成的破壞性影響，衛(wèi)生和社會政策成為改革項目的首要重點。衛(wèi)生政策的目標是從根本上降低嬰兒、兒童和結(jié)核病的死亡率，強調(diào)預(yù)防優(yōu)先 （Gruber， 1991， S. 66）。

所有社會政策問題最終都集中在1921年成立的福利辦公室?！熬S也納體系”的基礎(chǔ)是全面提供母親咨詢中心、青年福利辦公室、以及在那里工作的社會工作者和醫(yī)生。幾年之內(nèi)，幼兒園的數(shù)量增加了五倍 （Amberger amp; M?bius， 2016， S. 215），成人福利的建設(shè)主要集中于市政游泳池和醫(yī)院的大規(guī)模擴建。另外，公共教育、市圖書館以及整個文化生活（如維也納藝術(shù)節(jié)、戲劇、音樂會）也得到了大力支持。

1.3" 1919-1934：住房計劃

時至今日，“紅色維也納”（圖 1）在公共空間中最明顯的特征是1923年開始實施的大型住房計劃。在1919年到1922年期間，市政府曾嘗試通過稅收優(yōu)惠來鼓勵私人和合作住房建設(shè)，但最初并未成功。1923年9月1日，第一個五年市政住房建設(shè)計劃啟動。最初，在未開發(fā)的市中心地區(qū)進行了大規(guī)模開發(fā)，一些項目采用了所謂的超級街區(qū)形式（例如卡爾-馬克思公寓），但也有一些松弛的項目（例如桑德萊滕公寓）。這些住宅的建造密度較低，公寓配備了自然采光和廁所，并在寬敞的庭院中創(chuàng)造了綠色空間。到1933年底，維也納市政府建造、擁有和管理了61，617套公寓和5，257套郊區(qū)住宅。此時，維也納11%的人口居住在市政管理下的住宅中 （Million， Bentlin， amp; H?fler， 2021， S. 102）。

為了滿足巨大的住房需求，這一時期主要建造了38-48平方米的小型公寓。與許多上世紀末的公寓相比，配備有室內(nèi)廁所，并且配備洗衣房、幼兒園以及共用浴室等公共設(shè)施。大部分設(shè)計工作是由獨立建筑師完成的。市政住房分散在城市各處，避免社會隔離效應(yīng) （圖 3） （Soederberg， 2020， S. 186）。社區(qū)發(fā)展的核心區(qū)域是瑪格麗特街，被昵稱為“無產(chǎn)階級的林蔭大道”。

1934年，隨著奧地利內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和法西斯國家的建立，維也納社會主義市政府的這一實驗性改革突然結(jié)束。然而，這一時期的思想在21世紀的今天仍然具有影響。今日維也納的住房建設(shè)甚至比那時更加掌握在市政府手中，超過2/3的人口居住在政府供應(yīng)的住房中。此外，在住宅建筑設(shè)計上不斷進行改革和試驗，以及在住宅建筑周邊廣泛整合社會設(shè)施的想法，也一直持續(xù)至今 （Wohnservice Wien， 2024， S. 6）。

1.4" 1945-1959：重建

第二次世界大戰(zhàn)后，維也納約20%的住房（約87，000套）被毀，導(dǎo)致約35，000人無家可歸 （Nicholls amp; Ziegler， 2019， S. 122）。重建成為一項緊迫的任務(wù)，但當(dāng)時嚴重缺乏建筑材料、運輸和熟練的工人。1950年后，住房需求繼續(xù)大幅增加，維也納市制定了市政“快速建設(shè)計劃”，為超過55，000名沒有住房的人提供幫助。這一時期的住宅特點被稱為雙形公寓，即一種小型公寓，可以根據(jù)需求與隔壁住戶合并。Per-Albin-Hansson住宅群在此期間建造，有6，000戶，共14，000居民，成為法沃里滕區(qū)（Favoriten）最早的大型住宅區(qū)項目之一。1950年，維也納市制定了新的城市規(guī)劃標準，有意偏離了世紀末的密集發(fā)展結(jié)構(gòu)，指導(dǎo)原則是“重建意味著做得更好”。西門子大街項目的座右銘是“新鄰里”。新鄰里是基于對不同人口群體住房需求不同的分析和考慮，從而形成的一種大城市共存的新形式的概念。 （Fichna， Schwarz， Vasold， amp; Winkler， 2021）。

該項目進行了特殊的房屋和戶型設(shè)計，其中還包括“老年人之家”。這一概念成為整個維也納為老年人和殘疾人提供住房的原型。將地面層庭院的戶型設(shè)計成無障礙，護理人員有自己的住所，老年人應(yīng)該留在自己熟悉的環(huán)境中，并能夠基本上獨立生活。除了寬敞的開放空間和綠地（“社會綠地”）之外，還創(chuàng)建了人民之家、幼兒園、兒童室外游泳池和商業(yè)街 （Strobach amp; Marek， 2021）。1954年，維也納受邀參加在新獨立的印度首都新德里舉辦的大型“新德里國際廉價住房展覽會”，在那里，由于人口高速增長和快速城市化，國際上經(jīng)過驗證的經(jīng)濟實惠的大眾住房模式受到追捧。維也納城市建設(shè)部門制作了58件展品，這些展品后來在加爾各答展出，并作為禮物留在印度。其中的展品包括來自西門子大街定居點的模型以及老人之家的照片 （Schwarz amp; Winkler， 2020）。在1950年至1960年間，維也納平均每年新建9，000套市政住宅。約在1960年左右重建完成后，維也納開始擴建市郊區(qū)，政府啟動了幾個大型項目。其目的是降低城市密度，提高居民生活質(zhì)量。1962年，維也納市政建筑項目首次采用預(yù)制混凝土構(gòu)件。

1.5" 1990 年代：新的住房運動

1989年，隨著鐵幕的倒下，維也納東部鄰國的移民人數(shù)激增，單身家庭的數(shù)量以及對居住空間和家具的需求也隨之增加。由于人口持續(xù)增長，維也納的住宅建設(shè)活動在20世紀90年代中期顯著增加。維也納市積極響應(yīng)不斷增長的居住需求，每年建造多達10，000套新住宅。這些大型項目是與城市規(guī)劃部門緊密合作開發(fā)的。住宅建設(shè)的重點區(qū)域包括維也納東北部的第21和第22區(qū)，以及南部的第10、第11和第23區(qū)。在Leberberg、Wienerberg、Langobardenstrasse、Donau City和Neue Donau等地，開展新的城市擴建項目。同時，新的法律不斷改善租戶的權(quán)利，例如引入了“租戶共同決策”制度，即向租戶詢問其住宅小區(qū)的情況 （Magistrat der Stadt Wien， 2000）。

1.6" 改造和城市更新

在維也納，城市更新一詞被理解為對建筑物進行翻新和改善，而不是拆除和新建。自1997年起，內(nèi)城的開發(fā)工作也在積極推進，即對現(xiàn)有地區(qū)進行密集化開發(fā)。在建筑密集的老城區(qū)，住宅改建活動顯著增加。包括安裝隔熱材料進行保溫改造，增加無障礙設(shè)施，例如安裝電梯等。在維也納，建于1945年至1980年間的多層住宅約有30萬套。為了改善這些住宅的隔熱性能，，\"Thewosan\"資助活動作為維也納住房開發(fā)計劃的一部分于2000年啟動。其目的是減少供暖中的能源消耗和溫室氣體排放 （IRMA， 2018， S. 1322）。根據(jù)Thewosan指南，經(jīng)過隔熱處理的房屋比未進行隔熱處理的房屋使用的供暖能源減少約一半。Thewosan明顯降低了改造過的建筑供暖成本。通過使用環(huán)保能源和供暖系統(tǒng)，維也納每年可減少約304，000噸二氧化碳排放 （City of Vienna， 2024）。從2008年起，每年翻新約10，000套住宅，2008年至2013年期間的翻新費用約為8.14億歐元 （City of Vienna， 2011）。

與此同時，維也納也在加強住宅建設(shè)的創(chuàng)新。1985年，Hundert-Wasser-Haus建成（圖 4），這是一座集綠色設(shè)計與藝術(shù)設(shè)計為一體的住宅。維也納還實施了主題住房項目，如女工城市（Frauenwerkstadt）、無車示范項目以及跨種族居住或改建項目（如Gasometer）。20世紀90年代建造首批低能耗房屋和被動式房屋。1995年進行了房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)商競賽和房地產(chǎn)顧問委員會，他們根據(jù)規(guī)劃、生態(tài)和經(jīng)濟指標評估了所有保障性安居工程 （wohnfonds wien， 2024）。

自2012年起，作為SMART住房計劃的一部分，維也納開始建造租金特別低的住宅。這些住宅設(shè)計緊湊但設(shè)施齊全。這些住房項目在歐盟范圍內(nèi)進行競賽 （wohnfonds wien， 2024）?！笆姓ⅰ庇删S也納市政住房建筑公司（WIGEBA）100%擁有和管理，因此屬于維也納市的財產(chǎn)。目前，維也納政府在九個區(qū)域共28個地點推行這一計劃。他們?yōu)樽鈶籼峁┓纱_定性和公平條件。租金總額為7.50歐元（含銷售稅），無需股權(quán)、無時間限制、無需首付 （City of Vienna， 2015）。住宅的分配按照公平透明的標準進行，由Wiener Wohnen獨家負責(zé)。

2" 維也納住宅建設(shè)組織：項目開發(fā)、土地、競賽

維也納城市發(fā)展規(guī)劃（STEP）是該城市規(guī)劃中最重要的指導(dǎo)性工具，每十年進行一次修訂和調(diào)整。 該規(guī)劃明確了城市長期發(fā)展的目標和方向，規(guī)定了用地的分布，確定了發(fā)展區(qū)域、以及提升綠色開放空間和交通基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的發(fā)展方向。維也納城市發(fā)展和城市規(guī)劃部負責(zé)制定城市發(fā)展規(guī)劃，其特點是廣泛吸納市民、地區(qū)政治家和其他參與規(guī)劃人員的意見和建議 （Gluns， 2019， S. 257）。

維也納城市發(fā)展規(guī)劃以可持續(xù)性為基礎(chǔ)，旨在打造一個緊湊且適合步行的城市。這座“短距離城市”鼓勵所有居民利用公共設(shè)施，減少車輛行駛量，促進公共空間利用，并保護珍貴的綠地。維也納自1993年以來，汽車交通量已從40%減少到26%，目標是達到20%。到2023年，公共交通占比將達到32%，行人交通占比32%，汽車占比26%，自行車交通占比10%" （City of Vienna， 2024）。為實現(xiàn)這一目標，維也納在2016年至2020年期間投資了17億歐元擴建公共交通 （Wiener Linien， 2024）。住宅項目規(guī)劃則一直與城市其他功能規(guī)劃（例如交通和開放空間）保持協(xié)調(diào)。

根據(jù)開發(fā)計劃，建筑用地由“Wohnfonds Wien”收購和開發(fā)。這是一個非盈利組織的住房基金，完全100%由維也納市所擁有 （Sei?， 2007， S. 78）。它的任務(wù)包括購買社會住房土地、物業(yè)管理、項目開發(fā)以及舉辦房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)商競賽。這些住宅樓由非盈利開發(fā)商建造，并以非盈利補貼租賃住宅的形式進行管理。維也納住房開發(fā)計劃的年度預(yù)算約為6億歐元 （Bontrup， Marquardt， amp; Gabsch， 2021， S. 159）。

當(dāng)前的住宅建設(shè)計劃涵蓋了多種類型，從單個內(nèi)城的空地項目到內(nèi)城荒地和城市郊區(qū)的大型項目。 維也納約有百分之七十到八十的新建筑屬于社會住房范疇，這使得該城市在數(shù)量、質(zhì)量和分布各方面具有強大的影響力。租金保持穩(wěn)定，租賃合同沒有時間限制。維也納62%的人口居住在補貼住房中，其中一部分居住在屬于維也納市直接管理的22萬套市政住宅中，另一部分則居住在非營利住房開發(fā)商擁有的20萬套住宅中 （Tsenkova， 2021， S. 222）。

自1995年以來，住宅建設(shè)項目的實施一直通過房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)商競爭進行。通過引入這些流程，可以提高新建筑的社會和技術(shù)標準，同時降低建筑成本。這些項目由建筑師和房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)商組成的團隊共同提交。建筑設(shè)計的質(zhì)量和成本效益的計算都至關(guān)重要。競賽的決策標準基于4個支柱模型。維也納的每個社會住房項目均由跨學(xué)科評審團根據(jù)四個標準進行評估：社會可持續(xù)性、建筑設(shè)計、生態(tài)和經(jīng)濟 （wohnfonds wien， 2024）。此流程旨在消除市場導(dǎo)向型建筑中常見的妥協(xié)。兩階段競賽的一個關(guān)鍵點是跨場地的視角和策劃方法。競賽的第一階段涉及整個項目區(qū)域的總體規(guī)劃，第二階段則規(guī)定了該區(qū)域內(nèi)每棟建筑的競賽。第二階段結(jié)束后，團隊通過與評審團的對話進一步發(fā)展他們的項目。這使得共享的開放空間概念、流動概念以及配套社區(qū)設(shè)施具有實施的可能。

3" 四柱模型（建筑設(shè)計、社會可持續(xù)性、經(jīng)濟、生態(tài)）

3.1" 建築設(shè)計

建筑、生活質(zhì)量和開放空間的品質(zhì)必須滿足居民的需求?，F(xiàn)代一體化的設(shè)計理念必須為住宅建設(shè)帶來新的動力。住宅建設(shè)的質(zhì)量始終是建筑與城市空間、住宅與周邊地區(qū)之間關(guān)系的關(guān)鍵問題（圖 6）。因此，新的生活模式可能成為住宅建筑的挑戰(zhàn)。為了更好地應(yīng)對快速的人口變化，市政府要求建筑設(shè)計具有靈活性，項目能夠適應(yīng)居民不斷變化的家庭情況。大多數(shù)項目的平面包括一至五居室單元。還有一些特殊的居住形式，例如合租公寓或針對年輕人和老年人的輔助生活 （Ludl， 2017）。

維也納市還追求一個目標，即防止任何人群受到排斥或污名化。高建筑標準和盡量減少可見的材料或經(jīng)濟差異，防止了居民的污名化。由此產(chǎn)生了社會凝聚力和高品質(zhì)的居住環(huán)境，使所有人受益。

3.2" 社會可持續(xù)性

住宅應(yīng)通過多樣化的靈活平面布局、通道類型、公共區(qū)域和戶外空間，以適應(yīng)不同的用途、用戶群體和居住形式。此外，還應(yīng)加強社會融合、共同決策、家庭組織、身份認同建構(gòu)以及社會基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的聯(lián)系 （Gorbach， 2020， S. 1）。與歐洲許多其他大城市一樣，維也納也面臨人口結(jié)構(gòu)的變化，比如由于移民帶來的人口增長、人口老齡化及新興生活方式等。目前，維也納三分之二居民不在該市出生，其中一半不在奧地利出生 （City of Vienna， 2024）。家庭規(guī)模和年輕一代的生活方式也在不斷變化。老齡化社會需要新的跨代生活形式，并確保提供就地社會服務(wù)。因此，維也納住房的明確目標之一是有針對性地將“其他來源的人”、各年齡層和新生活方式整合到社會住房項目中 （Ludl， 2003）。這就是為什么新的建設(shè)項目主要采用不同目標群體為導(dǎo)向的混合融資模式。在維也納，社會融合政策成功地避免了社會熱點區(qū)的形成。社會混合也同時體現(xiàn)在地理上的混合。

3.3" 經(jīng)濟

保障性住房的首要目標是確保負擔(dān)能力。經(jīng)濟評估標準旨在有效且最佳地利用財政資源。這種經(jīng)濟性、效率性和實用性不僅會影響投資成本，還會影響后續(xù)的運營成本。必須關(guān)注日常使用的實際需求，并通過合適的規(guī)劃來降低建設(shè)和管理成本?？偨ㄖ杀鞠拗茷?800歐元/平方米，而房屋的運營成本限制為1.8歐元/平方米/月。由非營利性建設(shè)者建造的住房月租金約為7.50歐元 /平方米（City of Vienna， 2015）。而維也納市政府自身的住宅租金為4.78歐元/平方米 （Holm， 2018， S. 37）。維也納雇員的平均年凈收入約為 29，800 歐元，藍領(lǐng)工人的平均年凈收入約為 21，800 歐元 （City of Vienna， MA 23：， 2016， S. 154）。非營利性開發(fā)商的利潤限制為3.5％，并且有義務(wù)將超額利潤重新投資于社會住房建設(shè)。

3.4" 生態(tài)

維也納市通過法律規(guī)定和住房建設(shè)資助，對建筑的生態(tài)性加以影響，并影響規(guī)劃和建設(shè)進程。其主要關(guān)注點包括提高能源標準、利用可再生能源，并在住宅建設(shè)過程中最大限度降低碳排放。同時，也致力于提升居住環(huán)境的舒適性和健康性。由于競賽規(guī)范，新建筑的熱性能明顯優(yōu)于建筑法規(guī)標準，因此符合《京都議定書》的要求。其它生態(tài)措施還包括雨水和灰水回收以及太陽能和風(fēng)能的利用。許多新的“被動式房”不再需要傳統(tǒng)的供暖系統(tǒng)。住房建設(shè)還推動環(huán)保的生活方式，例如，“自行車城市”通過建筑設(shè)計，特別適合自行車使用，以此鼓勵居民騎行 （Bretschneider， 2014， S. 160）。在規(guī)劃和管理過程中，維也納市鼓勵居民的參與。在17個地點，由“城市更新區(qū)域管理”委托跨學(xué)科團隊與當(dāng)?shù)鼐用窈献?。由這些管理團隊組成的地區(qū)服務(wù)機構(gòu)充當(dāng)信息中心，組織與居民的研討會，并與學(xué)校和文化機構(gòu)進行合作 （F?rster amp; Menking， 2016）。

Vienna has continuous history of more than hundred years of strong direct government involvement in the housing market and housing production. The city has one of the world’s highest percentages of public housing. Today more than 60% of the population is living in government owned or subsidized flats. The City of Vienna is the largest landlord in Europe， owning more than 220，000 apartments， and administration another 200，000 flats built with municipal subsidies. （Tsenkova， 2021， S. 222）

What is particularly noteworthy is the fact that social housing in Vienna is not associated with poverty and crime， as in the USA and many other countries， but on the contrary with the highest quality of life and excellent architectural design quality （Ramasubramanian， Albrecht， amp; De Leon ， 2023， S. 2-8）. The qualities of the built environment are reflected by the fact， that the city has been ranked the world’s most livable city for more than decade in a row （Mercer， 2023）.

Viennese social housing is known throughout Europe. Experts and political delegations from various countries， especially from Germany， visit regularly to get to know social housing system in Vienna （Ludwig， 2017）. In 2023， the New York Times reported on Viennese housing as a real utopia in an article “Lessons from a Renters Utopia”. In this report， the history of social housing in Vienna will first be briefly presented， then individual policies for the realization of housing in Vienna will be discussed.

Development at a glance

Housing construction， together with urban development， is inextricably linked to the population's life satisfaction. People spend a large part of their free time in their living environment. The immediate configuration of the residential units themselves - i.e. the floor plan design， the building typology， and the urban planning configuration of the residential units， but also the way in which social facilities are integrated - have an impact on the qualitative perception of the residents （Peer， 2004）. Due to the variety of influencing factors， the approach to the housing question differs significantly in different countries. This affects issues such as the density of buildings， the arrangement of green spaces， the mix of functions and many other factors.

Since its inception， Viennese social housing has been closely linked to the social policy goals of the City of Vienna. Even in its early days， the basic concept of social housing in Vienna went far beyond the mere provision of living space but was part of a larger social experiment for a new social utopia （Gruber， 1991， S. 185）. To understand social housing in Vienna， it is important to look at the historical， socio-political environment.

1918 Housing shortage at the turn of the century

In 1900， over two million people lived in Vienna. The increasing population due to many immigrants from the countries of the monarchy led to an acute housing shortage. Only private rental houses， tenement homes， with apartments without running water and toilets were being built for the workers. The consequences were housing speculation， high rents， overcrowding and homelessness. In 1900， 300，000 Viennese （out of 2 million） had no place to live （Nicholls amp; Ziegler， 2019， S. 119）. The few people who lived in tiny apartments shared their limited living space with “bed-goers” to save money. “Bed-goers” were people who rented a bed in an apartment for just a few hours for little money （Jackson-Beckett， 2024， S. 50）. The housing situation in Vienna was one of the worst in all of Europe. Tuberculosis was therefore also called the “Vienna disease” in many countries.

1919-1934 Red Vienna

“Red Vienna” is an internationally used name for the social democratic city administration in Vienna from 1919 to 1934， which was particularly characterized by its social， welfare， housing， and cultural policies. The basic principles of this social policy were already laid down in the program of the Social Democratic Party of Vienna from 1900. In the first elections after World War I， the Social Democratic Party gained an absolute majority in the city government. Based on the autonomy of the city government， the health system should be centralized， including care for the poor and the elderly， the construction of healthy， modern apartments should be promoted， and public facilities should be expanded.

But “Red Vienna” was more： an educational reform experiment with the aim of civilizing， culturalizing and hygienizing the urban population， the vast majority of which， including the lower bourgeoisie， were understood to be the “working class”. Ideologically， this Austrian Marxist movement （Blum amp; Smaldone， 2015， S. IX） was understood as “modernization from above”. The desired everydayization of the revolution through evolution focused on social welfare， municipal housing， and school reform （Yazdanpanah， 2019， S. 313）.

The fundamental principle of social policy in \"Red Vienna\" was the social obligation to support those in need. The population had a right to social care， which was offset by the obligation of the individual to comply with the rules set by the health and social authorities. Due to the devastating effects of the years of undersupply and hunger during and after the First World War， health and social policy was the first and most important focus of the reform project. The health policy goal was to radically reduce infant， children， and tuberculosis mortality （Gruber， 1991， S. 66）. The focus was on prevention.

All social policy issues were ultimately concentrated in the Office for Welfare， founded in 1921. The “Vienna System” developed by Tandler was based on the comprehensive provision of mother advice centers， youth welfare offices and the welfare workers and doctors working there. The number of kindergartens was drastically increased fivefold within a few years （Amberger amp; M?bius， 2016， S. 215）. As part of adult welfare， the focus was on a large expansion program for municipal swimming pools and the expansion of numerous hospitals. Public education， municipal libraries， and the entire cultural life （Vienna Festival， theater， concerts） were also strongly supported.

1919-1934 housing program

To this day， the most visible feature of “Red Vienna” in public space is the large housing program approved in 1923. From 1919 to 1922， the city government tried， initially unsuccessfully， to encourage private and cooperative housing construction through tax incentives. On September 1， 1923， the first 5-year program for municipal housing construction began， which was to be followed by another （Hardy amp; Kuczynski ， 1934， S. 56）. Initially， there was a large-scale development of inner-city areas that had remained undeveloped for various reasons. Some were built in the form of so-called superblocks （e.g. Karl-Marx-Hof）， but also loosened up （e.g. Sandleitenhof）. The properties were built with low density throughout， apartments were equipped with natural light and toilets， and green space was created in spacious courtyards. By the end of 1933， 61，617 apartments and 5，257 settlement houses were built， owned and managed by the municipality of Vienna （Million， Bentlin， amp; H?fler， 2021， S. 102）. At this time， 11% of Vienna's population lived in residential units under municipal administration.

To cover the enormous housing demand， primarily micro and small apartments measuring 38-48 m2 were built. In contrast to many turn-of-the-century apartments， they had an indoor toilet. There were also communal facilities such as laundry rooms， kindergartens， and shared bathrooms. Most of the work was done by independent architects. The municipal housing buildings were deliberately scattered throughout the city to avoid social segregation effects （Soederberg， 2020， S. 186）. A core zone of community development was the “Margaret Belt”， which was nicknamed the “Ringstrasse of the Proletariat”.

This experimental reform phase of Vienna's socialist city government abruptly ended in 1934 with the Austrian Civil War and the establishment of a fascist state. However， the ideas of this time still have an impact today in the 21st century： Housing in Vienna is now， even more dominant than it was back then， firmly in the hands of the city government - more than 2/3 of the population now lives in state-subsidized housing - but also the idea of ongoing reform and experimentation in residential building design and the strong integration of social facilities in the immediate vicinity of the residential buildings has persisted to this day （Wohnservice Wien， 2024， S. 6）.

1945-1959： Wiederaufbau

With the end of the Second World War， 20 percent of all apartments， around 87，000， were destroyed. 35，000 people are homeless in Vienna （Nicholls amp; Ziegler， 2019， S. 122）. Reconstruction was an important task， but there was an acute shortage of building materials， transport， and skilled workers in Vienna at this time. The need for housing continued to increase significantly after 1950. The city of Vienna responded with a municipal “rapid construction program” for the over 55，000 people looking for housing. Characteristic of this and other post-war settlements of the early 1950s were the so-called duplex apartments， a small apartment that could be merged， if necessary， later. The Per-Albin-Hansson settlement was being built as one of the first larger residential complexes with a total of 14，000 residents in 6，000 apartments in Favoriten.

In 1950， the city of Vienna created new urban planning criteria that deliberately deviated from the dense fin-de-siecle development structure. The guiding principle was “Rebuilding means making things better.” （Ziak， 1965， S. 83）. The Siemensstrasse settlement had the motto “New Neighborhood”. The concept of the New Neighborhood was a new form of coexistence in a large city and was based on the analysis and consideration of the different housing needs of different population groups （Fichna， Schwarz， Vasold， amp; Winkler， 2021）.

Special house and apartment types were designed for this project. This also included a “home for old people”， which became the prototype of a concept for housing provision for senior citizens， war disabled people and the handicapped for the whole of Vienna. The apartments in the ground-level courtyard were largely barrier-free. A social care person had her own apartment available. According to this idea， old people should remain in their familiar surroundings and be able to lead a largely independent life. Together with generous open spaces and green areas （“social green”）， a people's home， a kindergarten， a children's outdoor pool and a shopping street were created （Strobach amp; Marek， 2021）. In 1954， the city of Vienna was invited to take part in the large “International Exhibition on Low-Cost Housing in New Delhi”， the capital of the newly independent India， where， due to high population growth and rapid urbanization， internationally proven models for affordable mass housing were particularly sought. The city building department produced 58 exhibits， which were later shown in Calcutta and remained in India as gifts. From Siemensstrasse， among others， a model of the settlement and photos of the home for old people were shown （Schwarz amp; Winkler， 2020）. In the period from 1950 to 1960， an average of 9，000 new municipal apartments were built per year in Vienna for an administrative district with a population of 1.5 million. After the reconstruction was completed around 1960， Vienna was expanded to include new residential areas on the outskirts of the city. They were intended to loosen up the densely built-up urban area and improve the quality of living. Several large settlements were being built on the outskirts of the city. In 1962， the first projects for municipal buildings in Vienna were realized using precast concrete elements.

1990s： Start of a new housing offensive

The opening of the “Iron Curtain”， which ran less than 70 kilometers from Vienna， led to a wave of immigration from neighboring countries to the east and strong population growth from 1989 onwards. At the same time， the number of single-person households and the demands on the living space and furnishings of the apartments also increased. Due to the increasing population， residential construction activity in Vienna increased significantly in the mid-1990s. The city of Vienna responded to the increased demand and built up to 10，000 new apartments per year. Large-scale settlement areas were being developed in close cooperation with urban planning. The focus of residential construction activity was in the northeast in the 21st and 22nd districts and in the south in the 10th， 11th and 23rd districts. New urban expansion projects were being built on Leberberg， Wienerberg， Langobardenstrasse， Donau City and the Neue Donau residential park， among others. The legal situation of tenants was constantly being improved through new laws. “Tenant co-determination”， in which tenants are regularly surveyed about areas of their residential complexes， was introduced （Magistrat der Stadt Wien， 2000）.

Renovation and urban renewal

In Vienna， the term urban renewal is understood as the renovation and improvement of buildings， not as demolition and new construction. From 1997 onwards， inner city development， i.e. the densification of existing districts， has also been actively promoted. There was a significant increase in residential construction activity in the densely built-up， older urban districts. This involved thermal renovation by installing thermal insulation， but also increasing accessibility， e.g. by installing elevators. In Vienna there are around 300，000 apartments in multi-apartment buildings built between 1945 and 1980. To improve the thermal insulation of these apartments， the “Thewosan” funding campaign was launched in 2000 as part of the Vienna housing development program. The aim was to reduce energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions when generating space heat （IRMA， 2018， S. 1322）. A house insulated according to Thewosan guidelines uses around half less energy for heating than a house without appropriate insulation. The effects of Thewosan are reflected in lower heating costs for residents of thermally renovated buildings. By using environmentally friendly energy sources and heating systems， around 304，000 tons of CO2 are saved annually （City of Vienna， 2024）. From 2008 onwards， around 10，000 apartments will be renovated every year; the costs of the renovation between 2008 and 2012 was around 814 million Euros （City of Vienna， 2011）. The quality of housing in Vienna has improved significantly through apartment renovations and new buildings.

At this time， the city of Vienna also strengthened innovations in residential construction. In 1985， the Hundert-Wasser-Haus was built as a green， artistically designed house. The city of Vienna also began implementing themed housing projects such as the Frauenwerkstadt， a car-free model settlement， inter-ethnic living or conversion projects such as the Gasometer. The first low-energy houses and passive houses were built in the 1990s. In 1995， property developer competitions and the property advisory board were introduced. These assess all subsidized housing projects according to the criteria of planning， ecology and economics （wohnfonds wien， 2024）.

From 2012， apartments with particularly low rents will be built as part of the SMART housing program. These apartments are compact but complete. The housing projects are organized as EU-wide competitions （wohnfonds wien， 2024）. The “municipal apartments” are 100 percent owned and managed by the Vienna Municipal Housing Construction Company （WIGEBA） and therefore the property of the City of Vienna. There are currently 28 locations in nine districts of Vienna in various project stages being implemented. They offer their tenants legal certainty and fair conditions. The rent is 7.50 euros gross including sales tax （City of Vienna， 2015）. No equity， no time limit and no deposit are required. The award is regulated fairly and transparently according to the applicable criteria and is carried out exclusively by Wiener Wohnen.

Organization of residential construction in Vienna： project development， land， competitions

Vienna's Urban Development Plan （STEP） is the most important control instrument in Vienna's urban planning and is revised and adjusted every ten years. The urban development plan defines the goals and guidelines for long-term urban development. It determines the distribution of uses， identifies development areas， higher-level green and open spaces and the higher-level transport infrastructure. The urban development plan is drawn up by the Department of Urban Development and Urban Planning of the City of Vienna and is characterized by the broad participation of citizens， district politicians and other people involved in the planning （Gluns， 2019， S. 257）。.

The Vienna urban development plan is based on sustainability and aims for a compact and walkable city. This “city of short distances” is intended to give all citizens direct access to public facilities， reduce road traffic， encourage the use of public spaces and protect valuable green spaces. In Vienna， car traffic has been reduced from 40% to 26% since 1993， the goal is to achieve 20%. In 2023 the share of public transport was 32%， pedestrian traffic 32%， cars 26%， bicycle traffic 10% （City of Vienna， 2024）. To this end， the City of Vienna invested 1.7 billion euros in the expansion of public transport from 2016-2020" （Wiener Linien， 2024）. The planning of residential projects is always carried out in coordination with the planning of the remaining urban functions such as traffic planning and open space planning.

Based on the development plan， building sites are acquired and developed by the “Wohnfonds Wien”. This housing fund is a non-profit organization that is 100% owned by the City of Vienna. Their task is to buy land for social housing， to carry out property management， project development and to carry out property developer competitions. These residential buildings are then built by non-profit developers and managed in the form of subsidized rental apartments without profit. The annual budget for Vienna's housing development program is around 600 million Euros （Bontrup， Marquardt， amp; Gabsch， 2021， S. 159）.

The current residential construction program includes a wide variety of typologies： individual projects such as vacant lots in the inner city to large-scale projects on inner-city brownfield sites and in urban outskirts. Around seventy to eighty percent of all new buildings in Vienna fall into the category of social housing， which gives the city a strong influence on quantity， quality and distribution. The rents always remain constant， the rental contracts are unlimited. 62 percent of Vienna's population live in subsidized housing， some of them in the 220，000 municipal apartments that belong directly to the City of Vienna， and another part in 200，000 apartments owned by non-profit housing developers" （Tsenkova， 2021， S. 222）.

The current residential construction program includes a wide variety of typologies： individual projects such as vacant lots in the inner city to large-scale projects on inner-city brownfield sites and in urban outskirts. Around seventy to eighty percent of all new buildings in Vienna fall into the category of social housing， which gives the city a strong influence on quantity， quality and distribution. The rents always remain constant， the rental contracts are unlimited. 62 percent of Vienna's population live in subsidized housing， some of them in the 220，000 municipal apartments that belong directly to the City of Vienna， and another part in 200，000 apartments owned by non-profit housing developers （wohnfonds wien， 2024）. Every social housing project in Vienna is evaluated by an interdisciplinary jury according to four criteria： social sustainability， architecture， ecology and economics. This procedure serves to eliminate the compromises that are otherwise common in market-oriented buildings. A key aspect of the two-stage competitions is the cross-site perspective and planning method. The first stage of the competition concerns the master plan for the entire project area， the second stage prescribes competitions for each building in the area. After the second stage， the teams further develop their projects in dialogue with each other and with the jury. This makes common open space concepts and mobility concepts as well as coordinated community facilities possible.

The 4-pillar model （architectural design， social sustainability， economy， ecology）

Architectural design

Urban development， architecture， quality of living and quality of open space must be brought into line with the needs of the residents. Contemporary and integrated concepts are expected that provide residential construction with new impulses. The quality of housing construction is always a question of the relationship between the building and the urban space， between the apartment and the surrounding area. New life models can therefore also become a challenge for residential architecture.

In order to take rapid demographic change into account as best as possible， the city promotes architecturally flexible projects that can adapt to the residents' changing family circumstances. The floor plans of most projects include one- to five-bedroom units. There are also special forms of living such as shared apartments or assisted living for young and old people （Ludl， 2017）.

The city of Vienna also aims to prevent exclusion or stigmatization of any population group. High architectural standards with as few references to visible material or financial differences as possible prevent residents from being stigmatized. This creates social cohesion and a high quality of living that benefits everyone.

Social sustainability of architecture

The apartments should correspond to different uses， user groups and types of living through versatile floor plans， types of access and common areas and outdoor areas. In addition， social mixing， co-determination concepts， house organization， identity-creating measures and networking with social infrastructure should be strengthened （Gorbach， 2020）. Like in many other large cities in Europe， demographic changes are also taking place in Vienna. These changes are caused， for example， by population growth due to immigration， aging or new lifestyles. Two-thirds of Vienna's current population were not born in Vienna， half of whom were not born in Austria （City of Vienna， 2024）. Family sizes and lifestyles of younger generations are also constantly changing. Aging requires new forms of intergenerational living as well as ensuring social services directly on site. An explicit goal of Viennese housing is therefore the targeted integration of “people of other origins”， all generations and new lifestyles in social housing projects. That's why new construction projects primarily use a mix of different target group-oriented funding models. In Vienna， the policy of social inclusion has succeeded in avoiding neighborhoods with socially disadvantaged areas. Social mixture is also geographical mixture.

Economics of Architecture

The basic requirement for subsidized housing is affordability. The objective of the economic assessment criteria is an efficient and optimal use of financial resources. This frugality， economy and practicality affect both investment costs and follow-up costs in operation. Attention must be paid to suitability for everyday use and reduction of construction and management costs through appropriate planning. The total construction costs are limited to 1，800 €/m2 of usable space， the house operating costs to 1.8 €/m2 per month. The monthly rent for residential buildings built by non-profit developers is around a maximum of €7.50/m2 （City of Vienna， 2015）. For apartments by the city of Vienna itself， the rent is €4.78/m2" （Holm， 2018， S. 37）. The average annual net income in Vienna is around 29，800 euros for employees and around 21，800 euros for workers （City of Vienna， MA 23：， 2016， S. 154）. Non-profit property developers are subject to a profit limit of 3.5% and are obliged to reinvest the surpluses in social housing.

Ecology of architecture

The city of Vienna influences the architecture of the buildings through its legal requirements and housing subsidies. It also shapes the planning and construction process itself. The focus is on improving energy standards， using renewable energies and minimizing emissions in the production of residential buildings. At the same time， the comfort and health of the living environment should be further increased. Due to the competition specifications， the new buildings have significantly better thermal properties than the building regulations require and therefore meet the requirements of the Kyoto Protocol. Additional ecological measures include rain and gray water recycling and the use of solar and wind energy. Many new “passive houses” no longer require traditional heating. Housing construction should help promote environmentally conscious lifestyles. This support occurs， for example， through special themes of the residential projects： e.g. “Bike City” promotes the use of bicycles by residents through an architectural design that is particularly suitable for bicycles （Bretschneider， 2014， S. 160）. Residents are encouraged to participate in both planning and administration. Interdisciplinary teams from “District Management Urban Renewal” work at 17 locations on behalf of the City of Vienna to involve the local population. The district service centers serve as information centers， organize workshops with residents and cooperate with schools and cultural institutions." （F?rster amp; Menking， 2016）

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