中華思想文化術(shù)語(yǔ)(連載三)

1．諷諭 /fěngyù/

Subtle Admonition

指文學(xué)作品借用一定事例或思想，含蓄婉轉(zhuǎn)地向統(tǒng)治者傳達(dá)民情民風(fēng)、批評(píng)時(shí)政，從而使統(tǒng)治者能夠接受諷諫，革除政弊。“諷”是指諷諫、勸誡，要求詩(shī)文中的批評(píng)語(yǔ)言含蓄婉轉(zhuǎn)，“諭”是曉諭、表明，文章主旨最終要?dú)w結(jié)為勸鑒、批評(píng)。也就是說(shuō)，它實(shí)際包含密不可分的兩方面:一是文學(xué)的表達(dá)方式(“諷”要婉轉(zhuǎn)含蓄)，二是文學(xué)的社會(huì)功能(“曉諭”統(tǒng)治者)?！爸S諭說(shuō)”由漢代學(xué)者解釋《詩(shī)經(jīng)》時(shí)總結(jié)提出，儒家以此倡導(dǎo)文學(xué)對(duì)朝廷教化和社會(huì)民風(fēng)的干預(yù)作用，將其視為文學(xué)的特殊使命。唐代詩(shī)人白居易大量創(chuàng)作諷諭詩(shī)，強(qiáng)化詩(shī)歌創(chuàng)作的社會(huì)功能，推進(jìn)了這一文學(xué)傳統(tǒng)，對(duì)后世文學(xué)創(chuàng)作影響很大。

The term refers to the use of allegories to convey popular mood and public opinion and make critical comments on state affairs to the ruler in a tactfulmanner in the hope to persuade him to correct wrong policies．Feng(諷)represents making critical but persuasive comments subtly through poetry or prose;yu(諭)means delivering an explicit message．Such literary writing is intended to be both critical and persuasive;and it has two integral aspects，namely，a subtle literary way of expression as required by feng，and its social function of sending explicitmessages to the ruler as required．The theory of subtle admonition was advocated by scholars of the Han Dynasty based on their interpretation of The Book of Songs．Confucian scholars from then on promoted the use of subtle admonition to influence decision-making of the ruler and socialmores in a literary way．Bai Juyi，a poet of the Tang Dynasty，wrote many such poems，further reinforcing the social function of poetry and advancing this literary tradition，which had great impact on literary creation of later generations．

引例Citations:

或以抒下情而通諷諭，或以宣上德而盡忠孝。(班固《兩都賦序》)

(有些作品表達(dá)臣民的思想感情同時(shí)也希望由此將其中的諷喻傳達(dá)給君王，有些作品則是宣揚(yáng)君主的恩德同時(shí)引導(dǎo)臣民克盡忠孝義務(wù)。)

Some literary works use subtle admonition to convey what the subjects think and feel，in the hope that the subtle advice could reach the ruler，whereas other works expound thekindness and benevolence of the ruler so as to guide the populace to fulfilling their duties and obligations．(Ban Gu:Preface to“Essays on Chang'an and Luoyang”)

古之為文者，上以紉王教，系國(guó)風(fēng);下以存炯戒，通諷諭。(白居易《策林·六八·議文章》)

(古人寫文章，往大了說(shuō)是為了闡明朝廷教化與社會(huì)民風(fēng)的關(guān)聯(lián);往小了說(shuō)是保存諫戒、傳達(dá)諷喻。)

Writings by ancient scholars could be said that at a higher level they aimed at explaining some kind of link between the ideas of the ruling court and popular sentiment in society．At a more practical level，they sent a clearmessage of advice to the rulers through allegories．(Bai Juyi:Collection of Essays in Preparation for the Final Round of the Imperial Exam)

2．賦比興 /fùbǐxīng/

Narrative，Analogy，and Association

《詩(shī)經(jīng)》創(chuàng)作的三種表現(xiàn)手法?！百x”是鋪陳事物直接敘述;“比”是類比;“興”是先言他物以引出所詠之詞，有兩層含義，一是即興感發(fā)，二是在感發(fā)時(shí)借客觀景物婉轉(zhuǎn)地表達(dá)出某種思想感情?！百x比興”為漢代儒家所總結(jié)和提出，后來(lái)演變?yōu)橹袊?guó)古代文學(xué)創(chuàng)作的基本原則和方法。

These are the threeways of expression employed in The Book of Songs:a narrative is a direct reference to an object or an event，an analogy metaphorically likens one thing to another，and an association is an impromptu expression of a feeling，a mood or a thought，or using an objective thing as metaphor for sensibilities．Confucian scholars of the Han Dynasty summarized and formulated this concept of narrative，analogy，and association，which later became the basic principle and method in classical Chinese literary creation．

引例Citations:

賦、比、興是《詩(shī)》之所用，風(fēng)、雅、頌是《詩(shī)》之成形。(《詩(shī)大序》孔穎達(dá)正義)

(賦、比、興是《詩(shī)經(jīng)》創(chuàng)作的三種手法，風(fēng)、雅、頌是《詩(shī)經(jīng)》體制上的定型。)

In The Book of Songs，narrative，analogy，and association are three techniques in its creation，whereas ballads，court hymns，and eulogies represent three established styles of the poems．(Kong Yingda:Correct Meaning of“Preface to The Book of Songs”)

賦者，敷陳其事而直言之者也;比者，以彼物比此物也;興者，先言他物以引起所詠之詞也。(朱熹《詩(shī)集傳》)

(賦，是鋪陳事物而直接敘述;比，就是以他事物比喻此事物;興，就是先說(shuō)他物然后再引出所吟詠的事物。)

A narrative is a direct description of an object，an event or a relationship．An analogy metaphorically likens one thing to another．An association employs a metaphor as a lead-in for the real subject of a poem．(Zhu Xi:Studies on The Book of Songs)

3．格調(diào) /gédiào/

Form and Melody

指詩(shī)歌的體制聲調(diào)，包括思想旨趣和聲律形式兩方面，涉及詩(shī)歌批評(píng)的品位與境界?！案瘛敝冈?shī)歌的體制合乎規(guī)范;“調(diào)”指詩(shī)歌的聲調(diào)韻律。唐宋時(shí)期的一些詩(shī)論家倡導(dǎo)格調(diào)，意在確立詩(shī)歌的雅正標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。明清以后的格調(diào)說(shuō)，多強(qiáng)調(diào)作品應(yīng)符合儒家正統(tǒng)思想，這影響了詩(shī)人的情感表達(dá)與藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作。“格調(diào)”后來(lái)也用到其他文藝領(lǐng)域。

The term refers to the form and metrical patterns，aswell as content，of poetry．It relates to artistic taste and appeal in poetry criticism．Ge(格)refers to the need to satisfy established metrical rules，while diao(調(diào))refers to the need to follow tone and rhyme schemes in poetry．Some poetry critics of the Tang and Song dynasties stressed the importance of form and melody in order to establish a set of elegant and authoritative standards for poetry．Theory on form and melody in the Ming and Qing dynasties often emphasized the importance for poets to abide by Confucian orthodoxy，thus constraining their expression of feelings and artistic creations．The term was later also used in discussions of other forms of art．

引例Citations:

高古者格，宛亮者調(diào)。(李夢(mèng)陽(yáng)《駁何氏論文書(shū)》)

(高雅古樸就是“格”，婉曲清亮就是“調(diào)”。)

To be elegantand unaffected is to satisfy the requirements of form;to be tuneful and resonant is to follow the rules ofmelody．(LiMengyang:Arguments Against He Jingming's Views)

白石詞以清虛為體，而時(shí)有陰冷處，格調(diào)最高。(陳廷焯《白雨齋詞話》卷二)

(姜夔的詞以清新虛空為主要特色，雖然有凄清冷寂的地方，但格調(diào)最高。)

Jiang Kui's poems are characterized by ethereal purity．Though tinged with loneliness and sadness at times，they are of high standard and taste．(Chen Tingzhuo:Remarks on Lyrics from White Rain Studio)

4．華夏 /huáxià/

Huaxia

古代居住于中原地區(qū)的漢民族先民的自稱。最早稱“華”“諸華”或“夏”“諸夏”。“華夏”實(shí)際表達(dá)的是以漢民族為主體的中原先民對(duì)其共同的生活、語(yǔ)言、文化特征的一種認(rèn)同和傳承。秦建立以華夏為主體的統(tǒng)一的多民族國(guó)家以后，華夏才成為比較穩(wěn)定的族群。自漢代以后，華夏又有了“漢”這一名稱與之并用。后來(lái)華夏進(jìn)一步引申為指中國(guó)或漢族。

The forefathers of the Han people living in the Central Plains referred to themselves by this term．Earlier on they called themselves Hua(華)，Zhuhua(諸華)，Xia(夏)or Zhuxia(諸夏)．The term Huaxia(華夏)embodies the common identity of the way of life，language，and culture of the people living in the Central Plains，mainly the Han people，and the inheritance of such identity．The Huaxia people evolved into a fairly stable ethnic group in the Qin Dynasty，which established a unified country ofmany ethnic groupswith Huaxia being the principal group．In the Han Dynasty，the term Han became an alternative name of Huaxia．Later，the term Huaxia was extended to refer to China or the Han people．

引例Citation:

夏，大也。中國(guó)有禮義之大，故稱夏;有服章之美，謂之華。華夏一也。(《左傳·定公十年》孔穎達(dá)正義)

(夏的含義是“大”。華夏族的禮儀宏富偉大，所以稱為“夏”;華夏族的衣服華美出眾，所以稱為“華”?！叭A”與“夏”是同一個(gè)意思。)

The Chinese character夏(xia)means big and great．Since the ancient Huaxia people practiced grand and elaborate rituals，they called themselves Xia(great)．Their dresses were resplendent，so they were referred to as Hua(splendid)．Therefore，both Hua and Xia refer to the Han people．(Kong Yingda:Correct Meaning of Zuo's Commentary on The Spring and Autumn Annals)

5．懷遠(yuǎn)以德 /huái yuǎn yǐdé/

Embrace Distant Peoples by Means of Virtue

指用恩惠、仁德去安撫、懷柔邊遠(yuǎn)地區(qū)的部族、民眾等。是歷代華夏族政權(quán)用以處理與其他民族、未納入直接統(tǒng)治范圍的邊遠(yuǎn)部族以及外國(guó)關(guān)系的一種政治理念，也是“以德服人”思想的重要方面。中國(guó)是一個(gè)多民族國(guó)家，以華夏族為主體的政權(quán)，自認(rèn)為是大國(guó)并且文化發(fā)達(dá)，對(duì)于那些遠(yuǎn)離中華文化的邊遠(yuǎn)部族、民眾等，一般不采取武力征服，而是用比較溫和、合于儒家“仁德”的手段，達(dá)到安撫并使之歸順的目的。

This expression refers to pursuing conciliatory and benevolent policies and offering benefits to tribes and groups in remote areas．It was a political concept adopted by successive governments led mostly by the Han people in their relationswith other ethnic groups，tribes in remote areas not yet directly under their rule，and foreign states．Italso represented an important componentof the theory ofwinning over others by virtue．China was，as it is today，amulti-ethnic country．The Han-led government ruled over a large territory and believed that they had an advanced culture．They usually took a conciliatory approach based on the Confucian concept of benevolence in dealing with the tribes and populations in remote regions，rather than conquering them by force，with the goal of placating them and winning their allegiance．

引例Citation:

管仲言于齊侯曰:臣聞之，招攜以禮，懷遠(yuǎn)以德，德禮不易，無(wú)人不懷。(《左傳·僖公七年》)

(管仲對(duì)齊侯［齊桓公］道:臣聽(tīng)說(shuō)，招撫尚未歸順的諸侯，用禮;安撫邊遠(yuǎn)地區(qū)的部族、民眾，用德。不違背德和禮，沒(méi)有人會(huì)不歸附。)

Guan Zhong said to the Marquis of Qi，“Ihave heard it said:Win over the disaffected with respect and embrace distant peoples with virtue．With virtue and respect unchanging，there is no one that will not be embraced．”(Zuo's Commentary on The Spring and Autumn Annals)

6．肌理 /jīlǐ/

Reasoning and Structure

本義指肌肉的紋理，引申指事物細(xì)密的條理。作為文學(xué)術(shù)語(yǔ)由清代翁方綱首先提出，兼指義理與文理兩方面:義理是詩(shī)歌所闡述的道理或事理，主要指合乎儒家的思想和學(xué)問(wèn);文理是詩(shī)歌的條理或脈理，主要指詩(shī)歌的結(jié)構(gòu)、格律和各種創(chuàng)作技法。明清以來(lái)，性靈派倡導(dǎo)文學(xué)抒發(fā)個(gè)體性情，摒棄教化;神韻派贊美詩(shī)歌意境的空靈玄虛。翁方綱反對(duì)這兩種詩(shī)學(xué)主張，推崇宋詩(shī)的創(chuàng)作原則與方法，強(qiáng)調(diào)詩(shī)歌在義理上以經(jīng)義為準(zhǔn)繩，以學(xué)問(wèn)為根底;文理上強(qiáng)調(diào)精細(xì)縝密，形式雅麗、窮形極變但要內(nèi)容充實(shí)。清代乾嘉時(shí)期經(jīng)學(xué)和考據(jù)之學(xué)盛行，肌理派就是在此背景下形成的詩(shī)派。翁方綱宣揚(yáng)詩(shī)歌內(nèi)容和形式的有機(jī)聯(lián)系，推動(dòng)了學(xué)人詩(shī)派的發(fā)展，但他一味鼓吹以學(xué)問(wèn)考證作詩(shī)，受到同時(shí)代及后代文藝批評(píng)家的批評(píng)。

The term originally refers to the texture of muscle，and later by extension it refers to well-organized principles in things．As a literary term，itwas first used by Weng Fanggang，a Qing-dynasty scholar，to refer to two aspects:yili(義理，reasoning)and wenli(文理，structure)．The former is about views or reasoning，primarily concerning Confucian thinking and learning expressed in poetry;whereas the latter represents texture of poetry，especially poetic structures，metrical schemes and rhythms，and other techniques of writing．Scholars of the Xingling School(School of Inner Self)of the Ming and Qing dynasties advocated rejecting dogmatic guidelines and expressing one's emotions and thoughts in literary works，while adherents of the Shenyun School(School of Elegant Subtlety)believed in subtlety and implicitness expressed through poetry．Criticizing both literary trends，Weng promoted the principles and techniques of the Song Dynasty poetry．In terms of yili，he emphasized the need to follow classical Confucian tradition and erudition．In terms of wenli，he advocated exquisite intricacy，attention to details，and graceful structures with a great many variations，as well as the need to convey a substantive message．During the reign of Emperor Qianlong and Emperor Jiaqing of the Qing Dynasty，a boom in the study of Confucian classics and textual research led to the emergence of the Jili School(School of Reasoning and Structure)．Weng advocated integration of form and content in poetry，thus promoting the development of poetry based on classic learning．However，his overemphasis on classic scholarliness in poetry was criticized by scholars of both his age and later generations．

引例Citations:

同之與異，不屑古今，擘肌分理，唯務(wù)折衷。(劉勰《文心雕龍·序志》)

(我不介意自己的見(jiàn)解與前人的見(jiàn)解是否相同，也不介意這些見(jiàn)解來(lái)自古人還是今人，只是通過(guò)對(duì)文章的條理和義理進(jìn)行細(xì)致分析，力求找到不偏不倚、最為合理的看法。)

Idon't care ifmy views differ from those of others，nor do I care if the differing views are from ancient scholars ormy contemporaries．What Ido care is analyzing carefully the structure and reasoning ofwritings in order to arrive at a balanced view．(Liu Xie:The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons)

義理之理，即文理之理，即肌理之理。(翁方綱《志言集序》)

(詮釋儒家經(jīng)典所追尋的“義理”中的“理”，實(shí)質(zhì)上就是文章的道理和事理，也是文章的脈理和條理。)

Yili in Confucian classics is all about structure and reasoning in writing，i．e．，the texture and proper presentation of writings．(Weng Fanggang:Preface to Collection of My Works)

士生今日，經(jīng)籍之光盈溢于世宙，為學(xué)必以考證為準(zhǔn)，為詩(shī)必以肌理為準(zhǔn)。(翁方綱《志言集序》)

(士人生于這個(gè)年代，正值儒學(xué)繁榮昌盛，輝映世間，因此，做學(xué)問(wèn)的人必以查考驗(yàn)證為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，寫詩(shī)的人必以遵循肌理為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。)

Today'smen of letters are in an era when Confucian studies are flourishing．It is therefore imperative that scholars base their study on research and verification，and that poets focus on the structure and reasoning of their works．(Weng Fanggang:Preface to Collection of My Works)

7．江山 /jiāngshān/

Rivers and Mountains/Country or State Power

本義指河流和山嶺，代指一個(gè)國(guó)家的政權(quán)及其所覆蓋的全部疆域(義同“河山”)。這種用法隱含著這樣的觀念:河流、山嶺地形險(xiǎn)要，是衛(wèi)護(hù)國(guó)家安全、政權(quán)穩(wěn)固的天然屏障;疆域是國(guó)家的構(gòu)成要素。

The term，similar in meaning to heshan(河山)，literarily means rivers and mountains．It is used to refer to the sovereignty of a state and all its territory．The term has these implications:rivers and mountains provide natural barriers that protect the country and its sovereignty;territory is the key feature of a state．

引例Citation:

割據(jù)江山，拓土萬(wàn)里。(《三國(guó)志·吳書(shū)·賀劭傳》)

(以武力占據(jù)一方，建立政權(quán)，開(kāi)拓大片疆土。)

To seize a region by force，establish a regime there，and extend its territory far and wide．(The History of the Three Kingdoms)

8．教化 /jiàohuà/

Shaping the Mind Through Education

指教育和感化。是中國(guó)古代重要的政治理念和治國(guó)方法。當(dāng)政者一般通過(guò)行政命令、道德教育、環(huán)境影響、通俗讀物傳播、科舉考試等諸種有形和無(wú)形的手段的綜合運(yùn)用，將主流價(jià)值觀潛移默化地向民眾普及，使之深入民眾的日?；顒?dòng)之中，從而實(shí)現(xiàn)政治與風(fēng)俗的合二為一。

Shaping themind through education was a key concept of the political philosophy and an essentialway of governance in ancient China．Rulers usually used a combination of means，both visible and invisible，to subtly spread their values among people so that these values would be observed in people's daily life，leading to integration of governance and socialmores．Thesemeans include issuing administrative decrees，conducting moral education，creating a favorable environment，disseminating popular literature that promoted ethical values，and selecting officials through imperial examinations．

引例Citation:

故禮之教化也微，其止邪也于未形。(《禮記·經(jīng)解》)

(所以禮對(duì)民眾的教育和感化作用是隱微的，它能夠?qū)⒉缓玫臇|西消弭于未成形之時(shí)。)

Educating and influencing the people through li(禮)has the invisible impact of getting rid of immoral thoughts in the bud．(The Book of Rites)

9．九州 /jiǔzhōu/

Nine Zhou(Regions)

中國(guó)的別稱?！渡袝?shū)·禹貢》中將中國(guó)劃分為九州，分別是冀州、兗州、青州、徐州、揚(yáng)州、荊州、豫州、梁州、雍州。同時(shí)代或稍后的典籍《周禮》《爾雅》《呂氏春秋》等有關(guān)“九州”的說(shuō)法大同小異?！熬胖荨弊鳛樾姓^(qū)劃在歷史上并未真正實(shí)行過(guò)，但它反映了春秋末期以來(lái)中華先民棲息生活的大致上的地理范圍。

This term is an alternative designation for China．According to The Book of History，the country consisted of nine zhou(州)，namely Jizhou，Yanzhou，Qingzhou，Xuzhou，Yangzhou，Jingzhou，Yuzhou，Lian gzhou，and Yongzhou．There are similar references to the nine zhou in classic works of the same or later period，such as The Rituals of Zhou，Er Ya，and Master Lv's Spring and Autumn Annals．The nine zhouwere never adopted as actual administrative divisions of the country，but they did show the general geographical area inhabited by the Chinese people since the late Spring and Autumn Period．

引例Citations:

九州生氣恃風(fēng)雷，萬(wàn)馬齊喑究可哀。我勸天公重抖擻，不拘一格降人才。(龔自珍《己亥雜詩(shī)》)

(九州生機(jī)勃勃靠的是風(fēng)雷激蕩，萬(wàn)馬齊喑的局面實(shí)在令人悲哀。我奉勸上蒼定要重振精神，打破一切清規(guī)戒律降生更多人才。)

The vitality of China depends on wind and thunder，unfortunately not a single horse's neighing is heard．Iurge the Lord of Heaven to once again lift his spirits and，breaking all bonds and fetters，send talent of all kinds to the human world．(Gong Zizhen:Miscellaneous PoemsWritten in the Year of 1839)

吾恐中國(guó)之禍，不在四海之外，而在九州之內(nèi)矣。(張之洞《勸學(xué)篇·序》)

(我恐怕中國(guó)的禍患，不在中國(guó)之外，而在中國(guó)之內(nèi)。)

As I see it，the cause of China's disasters lies not overseas but within the country．(Zhang Zhidong: Preface to Encouragement to Learning)

10．科舉 /kējǔ/

The Imperial Civil Examination System

通過(guò)分科考試選用官吏的制度。隋文帝統(tǒng)一中國(guó)后，廢除以門第、品級(jí)為主的選人制度。隋煬帝大業(yè)元年(公元605年)正式開(kāi)科取士。歷代科舉，在考試科目、內(nèi)容、錄取規(guī)則上均有變化。各科之中，以進(jìn)士科最難，也最為士人所重。元明以后，考試內(nèi)容以《四書(shū)》《五經(jīng)》文句命題，答題是寫一篇文章，格式為八股文，觀點(diǎn)需以《四書(shū)集注》等為依據(jù)。1905年光緒皇帝下詔廢科舉。科舉制促進(jìn)了貴族政治向官僚政治的轉(zhuǎn)換，同時(shí)兼具教育、選官、考試、社會(huì)分層、文化傳承等多種功能。它是隋朝以后1300年間中國(guó)最主要的“選舉”方式，對(duì)中國(guó)社會(huì)發(fā)生的影響是極其深廣的。

This is the system in which officialswere selected through different levels of examinations．After Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty reunified China in 581，he abolished the system of selecting officials on the basis of family background ormoral character．In 605，the first year of the reign of Emperor Yang of the SuiDynasty，the system to select officials through imperial civil examinations was officially established．From then on，examination subjects，content，and recruitment standards varied from dynasty to dynasty．The jinshi，the highest level and themost difficult of imperial civil examinations，was always themost revered by scholars．In the Yuan and Ming dynasties，examination content was based on the Four Books and the Five Classics and had to be answered in the form of the“eight-legged”essay and refer to Commentaries on the Four Books and other classics．In 1905 Emperor Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty issued an edict abolishing the imperial civil examination system．For 1，300 years since the Sui Dynasty，the imperial civil examination system was the main method for selecting officials，which had a broad and profound influence on Chinese society．Ithastened the transformation of aristocracy based politics to bureaucracy-based politics and had multiple functions such as educating people，selecting officials，choosing talent through examinations，social stratification，and carrying forward the traditional culture．

引例Citations:

太宗即位，思振淹滯，謂侍臣曰:“朕欲博求俊彥于場(chǎng)中，非敢望拔十得五，止得一二，亦可為致治之具矣?！?《宋史·選舉志一》)

(［宋］太宗即位后，打算給那些有德有才卻久遭埋沒(méi)的人提供機(jī)會(huì)，對(duì)身邊的大臣說(shuō):“我想通過(guò)科舉考試廣求德才出眾的人，并不指望選上十個(gè)人就有五個(gè)人出眾，只要其中有一兩個(gè)出眾的，就可以把科舉考試作為實(shí)現(xiàn)政治清平的手段了?！?

Soon after Emperor Taizong of the Song Dynasty ascended the throne，hewanted to help people with both moral integrity and professional competence come to prominence，so he said to hisministers，“By recruiting remarkable people through the imperial civil examination system，I do not expect five out of ten of those recruited to excel．If one or two out of ten do，the imperial civil examination system can be used as an effective means to maintain political stability．”(The History of the Song Dynasty)

科舉必由學(xué)校，而學(xué)校起家，可不由科舉。(《明史·選舉志一》)

(科舉必須經(jīng)由學(xué)校，但從學(xué)校推舉上來(lái)的人才，可以不經(jīng)過(guò)科舉考試。)

The imperial civil examination system had to be implemented through schools，but those recommended by schools to official positions do not necessarily need to take the imperial civil examinations．(The History of the Ming Dynasty)

11．厲與西施，道通為一 /lài yǔXīshī，dào tōng wéi yī/

A Scabby Person and the Beautiful Lady Xishi Are the Same in the Eyes of Dao．

身長(zhǎng)癩瘡的人與美麗的西施，從道的角度看都可相通為一。厲，通“癩”，指長(zhǎng)有癩瘡的人。這是莊子關(guān)于審美相對(duì)性的著名論述。原意指身長(zhǎng)癩瘡的人與著名的美女沒(méi)有區(qū)別，因?yàn)樗齻兌际恰暗馈钡漠a(chǎn)物及體現(xiàn)。美丑的判斷只是人們主觀上的感覺(jué)而已，而且美丑之間還可相互轉(zhuǎn)化。莊子的這一思想，強(qiáng)調(diào)從造物的本原看，美丑都符合道，都具有內(nèi)在的同一性。這個(gè)思想啟發(fā)后世的文藝評(píng)論家從相反相成的維度去看待自然萬(wàn)物與文學(xué)創(chuàng)作。

This is a famous statementmade by Zhuangzi on how beauty is relative．Originally itmeant there was no difference between a beauty and an ugly person，because they both came from and reflected Dao．The character厲(lai)meant癩 (lai，covered in scabs)in ancient Chinese．Whether a person is beautiful or ugly is but a subjective perspective in themind of the beholder．Besides，beauty can turn into ugliness，and vice versa．Zhuangzi，from the perspective of the origin of all things，stressed that beauty and ugliness are both in accord with dao and are inherently the same．This idea has encouraged later literary critics to look at all things，including literary works，from the perspective that opposite things complement each other．

引例Citations:

舉莛與楹，厲與西施，恢詭譎怪，道通為一。(《莊子·齊物論》)

(細(xì)小的草莖與高大的庭柱，身長(zhǎng)癩瘡的人與美麗的西施，還有各種詭變怪異的事物，從道的角度來(lái)說(shuō)都可相通為一。)

In the light of Dao，a small blade of grass or a tall pillar，someone as ugly as a favus patientor someone as beautiful as Lady Xishi，as well as crafty and strange things，are all the same．(Zhuangzi)

大用外腓，真體內(nèi)充。(司空?qǐng)D《二十四詩(shī)品·雄渾》)

(道表現(xiàn)于各種客觀事物，而真實(shí)的精神本質(zhì)卻是內(nèi)蘊(yùn)其中的。)

Dao manifests in an array of objective things，but its genuine spirit lies within them．(Sikong Tu:

Twenty-Four Styles of Poetry)

12．樂(lè)而不淫，哀而不傷 /lèér bùyín，āiér bùshāng/

Express EnjoymentW ithout Indulgence and Express GriefW ithout Excessive Distress

快樂(lè)而不放縱，悲哀而不傷身。原是孔子對(duì)于《詩(shī)經(jīng)·周南·關(guān)雎》中有關(guān)青年男女愛(ài)情描寫的評(píng)語(yǔ)，后世儒家將其作為倡導(dǎo)詩(shī)歌及其他文學(xué)作品中正平和、情理諧和之美的基本規(guī)范與評(píng)價(jià)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。這一術(shù)語(yǔ)與儒家提倡的中庸思想相一致。近現(xiàn)代以來(lái)，其思想內(nèi)涵也因受到時(shí)代潮流沖擊而不斷更新。

This is what Confucius said of the description of love between youngmen and women in the poem entitled “Guan Ju”in“Ballads of Zhounan，”The Book of Songs．Later Confucian scholars regarded this as a basic requirement for poems and other literary works to advocate impartiality，peace ofmind，and harmony between emotion and reason，making it a criterion for evaluating literary works．Its connotation is in accord with zhongyong(the golden mean)of Confucianism．In the more recent history，the connotation of the term has been continuously renewed to keep pace with the times．

引例Citations:

《關(guān)雎》樂(lè)而不淫，哀而不傷。(《論語(yǔ)·八佾》)

(《關(guān)雎》快樂(lè)而不放縱，悲哀而不傷身。)

The poem“Guan Ju”expresses enjoyment without indulgence and grief without excessive distress．(The Analects)

《國(guó)風(fēng)》好色而不淫，《小雅》怨誹而不亂。(《史記·屈原賈生列傳》)

(《國(guó)風(fēng)》雖然描寫愛(ài)戀情欲，但是并不放縱;《小雅》雖有怨恨與批評(píng)，但是并不煽動(dòng)禍亂。)

Ballads from the states express passion of love without indulgence．Minor court hymnsmake complaints and criticisms without inciting trouble．(Records of the Historian)

13．利用厚生 /lìyòng-hòushēng/

Make Full Use of Resources to Enrich the People

充分發(fā)揮物力的效用，使民眾生活富裕。古人認(rèn)為，良好的政治在于“養(yǎng)民”，讓民眾生活富足?！袄谩敝v的是統(tǒng)治者應(yīng)當(dāng)節(jié)儉而不奢靡浪費(fèi)，使物盡其用;“厚生”講的是減輕徭役賦稅，使民眾生活安寧、富裕、幸福。它是中國(guó)近代民生主義、社會(huì)主義的思想淵源之一。

The ancient Chinese believed that good governance allowed people to lead a life of plenty．The ruler should be frugal，not extravagant or wasteful．He should make good use of the country'smaterial resources，reduce the corvée and tax burdens on the people so that they could live peaceful，prosperous，and happy lives．This belief was one of the sources of advocation for the people's livelihood and socialist thinking in modern China．

引例Citations:

德惟善政，政在養(yǎng)民……正德、利用、厚生，惟和。(《尚書(shū)·大禹謨》)

(帝王的德行要體現(xiàn)為良好的施政，施政要以養(yǎng)育民眾為目的……端正德行、物盡其用、使民眾富裕，這三項(xiàng)工作要兼顧協(xié)調(diào)，配合得當(dāng)。)

A ruler should manifest his virtue in good governance，and the goal of governance is to bring a good life to the people… The ruler should act in an upright and virtuous manner，and ensure that the country's resources are put to good use and that the people live a prosperous life．These three goals complement one another．(The Book of History)

14．良史 /liángshǐ/

Trustworthy Historian/Factual History

好的史家或史書(shū)，即能根據(jù)史實(shí)，客觀記載書(shū)寫，無(wú)所隱諱，信而有征。無(wú)論是史家，還是史書(shū)，判斷其好壞的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)都在于記載歷史是否客觀真實(shí)。這是科學(xué)史學(xué)的首要條件。

This refers to historians or history books that record historical facts in an objective and truthfulway based on evidenceswithout covering up anything．Objectivity is the ultimate criterion for judging historians or history books in historiography．

引例Citations:

然自劉向、揚(yáng)雄博極群書(shū)，皆稱遷有良史之材……其文直，其事核，不虛美，不隱惡。(《漢書(shū)·司馬遷傳贊》)

(可是自從劉向、揚(yáng)雄博覽群書(shū)之后，都稱贊司馬遷具備優(yōu)秀史家的資質(zhì)……他行文正直合理，敘事翔實(shí)正確，不虛假贊美，不掩蓋惡行。)

However，after reading a huge number of books，Liu Xiang and Yang Xiong came to view Sima Qian as a great historian…His accounts are straightforward and reasonable，accurate and substantive，and free from false praise;they do not cover up evil deeds．(The Han History)

凡善惡必書(shū)，謂之良史。(蘇鶚《蘇氏演義》卷上)

(無(wú)論善惡，都照直記錄書(shū)寫，這就叫好史書(shū)。)

A factual history is one which records both good and evil that have happened．(Su E:Textual Studies by Su E)

選自“中華思想文化術(shù)語(yǔ)”系列圖書(shū)(外語(yǔ)教學(xué)與研究出版社出版)