改造舊鄉(xiāng)村

Revitalizing Old Villages

城市與鄉(xiāng)村之間的對(duì)比，也許沒(méi)有比在中國(guó)更明顯的了。溫飽型生存環(huán)境迫使農(nóng)民從鄉(xiāng)村涌入城市，耕地也被用于其他用途。然而，中國(guó)意識(shí)到了這種趨勢(shì)持續(xù)下去會(huì)帶來(lái)危害，會(huì)對(duì)社會(huì)的構(gòu)成和將來(lái)的糧食安全造成威脅。關(guān)于北京市郊的試點(diǎn)城市規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)，論證了需要做多少工作來(lái)讓人留在鄉(xiāng)村環(huán)境，以及能夠?yàn)榇俗龆嗌俟ぷ鳌?/p>

不管在哪種情況下，人們只要想到中國(guó)，就會(huì)被各種令人驚訝的數(shù)據(jù)和實(shí)際情況所震驚。過(guò)去30年，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)平均每年以10%增長(zhǎng)。我們可以稱中國(guó)為發(fā)展中國(guó)家，也可以稱其為經(jīng)濟(jì)強(qiáng)國(guó)。

一項(xiàng)對(duì)中國(guó)北京周邊郊區(qū)某村莊的鄉(xiāng)村規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)表明，遺產(chǎn)保護(hù)、傳統(tǒng)知識(shí)、當(dāng)?shù)刭Y源、現(xiàn)代技術(shù)和專業(yè)項(xiàng)目管理相結(jié)合具有一定程度的力量，而且如果考慮到中國(guó)農(nóng)村產(chǎn)業(yè)的巨大規(guī)模，這種力量會(huì)變得更強(qiáng)大。

中國(guó)農(nóng)民占全球公民的十分之一

沿海地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展最引人注目，擁有的人口為4億。在這些地區(qū)，人們的生活水準(zhǔn)快速提升，而且整體上超過(guò)了生活在中國(guó)內(nèi)陸的其他9億人。地區(qū)之間的差異更為明顯，而城市與農(nóng)村之間的差異尤其明顯。中國(guó)社會(huì)科學(xué)院的一項(xiàng)研究表明，中國(guó)的農(nóng)村與城市居民之間收入分配差距在全球最大。尤其我們考慮到全球公民的1/10為農(nóng)民時(shí)，就會(huì)覺(jué)得這種對(duì)比特別明顯。

人口大規(guī)模流動(dòng)

溫飽型農(nóng)業(yè)在中國(guó)仍是常態(tài)——農(nóng)民家庭的產(chǎn)出基本用來(lái)滿足自身家庭的需要，最好的情況下也就出售1/4。也就是說(shuō)，可支配收入很少，而且少有機(jī)會(huì)在機(jī)械化和其他農(nóng)田改造上投資。作為密集發(fā)展中心的江河下游地區(qū)可能會(huì)有所不同——這里的農(nóng)業(yè)受到國(guó)家扶持。就算如此，過(guò)去20年來(lái)，農(nóng)村的實(shí)際收入急劇降低，因而人們逐漸決定離開(kāi)土地，到沿海謀生。

城市有很多工作機(jī)會(huì)，尤其是建筑行業(yè)和服務(wù)行業(yè)——從而鼓勵(lì)其他人加入大規(guī)模人口流動(dòng)。據(jù)估計(jì)，從1982年到1990年，大約有兩億人從中國(guó)農(nóng)村中心區(qū)域流動(dòng)到城市。根據(jù)政府估計(jì)，到2010年，另外將有1.8億農(nóng)民加入流動(dòng)大軍。

疏導(dǎo)人口外流潮

那些加入農(nóng)村人口外出大軍的人，現(xiàn)在意識(shí)到在“新家”享受很少權(quán)益，也感覺(jué)到了如果要在城市定居會(huì)受到排擠。中國(guó)戶口制度，像土地本身一樣古老，認(rèn)為居住地是唯一有效的家庭戶口登記地。因此，城市外來(lái)人口只能享受有限的教育權(quán)益或政府服務(wù)。

這些年來(lái)，中國(guó)當(dāng)局已經(jīng)開(kāi)展工作來(lái)改進(jìn)戶口制度，但是人口流動(dòng)不可能減緩，除非農(nóng)村的生存條件得以改善。因而中國(guó)實(shí)施一項(xiàng)計(jì)劃來(lái)發(fā)展被長(zhǎng)期忽略的地區(qū)，并制定了這樣一個(gè)目標(biāo)——政府承諾到2020年，農(nóng)村居民的平均收入翻倍；現(xiàn)在，年收入水平為600美元左右。

2 土地利用規(guī)劃/Land use planning

3 社區(qū)的微擴(kuò)散更新模式/Micro-spreading renewal model for the community

4 從廢棄場(chǎng)地開(kāi)始，社會(huì)肌理基本保持原有的物質(zhì)模式/Start from abandoned sites, social fabric basically maitained in its original physical pattern

土地利用類型/Land use type國(guó)有土地/State owned land

水域/Water area

農(nóng)業(yè)用地/Cultivated land

林地/Wood land

閑置土地/Unused land

居住/Residence

行政/Administration

商業(yè)服務(wù)/Commercial service制造業(yè)/Manufacturing

設(shè)施農(nóng)業(yè)/Equipped agriculture交通/Transportation

街道及廣場(chǎng)/Street & square

基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施/Public utility

公共綠化/Public green建設(shè)用地/ Construction 19%

林地/

Woodland

19%農(nóng)業(yè)用地/ Cultivated land 56%

農(nóng)用地的急劇流失

在中國(guó)，土地改革是政府工作的重頭戲。農(nóng)用地被認(rèn)為是當(dāng)?shù)匦姓械募w財(cái)產(chǎn)——家庭從村委會(huì)租賃農(nóng)用地，租期為30年。但是，農(nóng)民從農(nóng)村到城市的流動(dòng)導(dǎo)致了許多租約被放棄——免費(fèi)地塊被集中起來(lái)出售用于其他用途。而且這導(dǎo)致了農(nóng)用地的急劇流失——而農(nóng)用地是中國(guó)將來(lái)食品安全所依賴的基礎(chǔ)。

中國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)部采用的模型表明，國(guó)家需要1.2億hm2

2農(nóng)用地來(lái)滿足自身需要。現(xiàn)在，仍有1.22億hm2農(nóng)用地用于農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)，但統(tǒng)計(jì)表明，每年有20萬(wàn)hm2農(nóng)用地流失，這需要警惕。尤其是近百萬(wàn)勉強(qiáng)靠這有限空間生活的農(nóng)民。需要有一項(xiàng)綜合解決方案來(lái)應(yīng)對(duì)導(dǎo)致問(wèn)題的原因和造成的影響。

5 改善交通/Circulation improving

6 改善基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施與公共服務(wù)/Infrastructure & public services improving

7 公共參與/Public participation

改革土地權(quán)益

2006年，中國(guó)在當(dāng)時(shí)的五年計(jì)劃中引入了一項(xiàng)新計(jì)劃，旨在實(shí)現(xiàn)這兩個(gè)目標(biāo)。其中一項(xiàng)措施就是改進(jìn)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、教育和培訓(xùn)制度，以此促進(jìn)農(nóng)村發(fā)展。另一項(xiàng)具體針對(duì)可用土地流失的措施，就是農(nóng)地租賃法規(guī)的部分自由化。將來(lái)，離開(kāi)土地到城市的農(nóng)民將有權(quán)直接將土地租給其他農(nóng)民，或者將土地用于流轉(zhuǎn)農(nóng)業(yè)用途。該措施旨在預(yù)防出售共有土地用于不同用途——理論上，行政市仍是土地所有者，并承諾為任何希望耕種土地的農(nóng)民保留耕地。

成群的調(diào)查研究人員

在中國(guó)，每個(gè)地區(qū)根據(jù)自身?xiàng)l件來(lái)靈活實(shí)施國(guó)家計(jì)劃。在北京地區(qū)，由政府官員倪峰負(fù)責(zé)。2006年，他邀請(qǐng)建筑師和城市規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)師張悅參與首都周邊農(nóng)村地區(qū)的研究，其預(yù)想是研究應(yīng)如何實(shí)施該計(jì)劃?！霸谇迦A大學(xué)時(shí)，我就認(rèn)識(shí)了倪鋒。”在頂級(jí)大學(xué)任教的張悅解釋道。張悅立即被項(xiàng)目吸引住了——特別是因?yàn)橹苯优c村民交往，包括逐戶調(diào)查?！拔蚁矚g調(diào)查工作?！?5歲精力旺盛的張悅說(shuō)道。張悅與團(tuán)隊(duì)一起編制了一個(gè)綜合問(wèn)卷。“我們坐公交車到村民家，向每個(gè)人詢問(wèn)他們的需要?！?/p>

對(duì)調(diào)查工作的積極回應(yīng)

離城市距離不同的、規(guī)模各異的村莊被選用于研究。三人組調(diào)查人員向受訪家庭詢問(wèn)其經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)條件——他們的需要和期望。一共在5個(gè)村莊訪問(wèn)了1000多戶家庭。村民非常坦率，而且樂(lè)意提供諸如家庭收入之類的個(gè)人信息?！拔覀兊拇髮W(xué)有良好的聲譽(yù)，”張悅說(shuō)，研究人員因此很有信心?！袄斫饬嗽擁?xiàng)目和研究人員的熱情后——村民對(duì)提供具體數(shù)據(jù)變得不那么拘謹(jǐn)?！?/p>

調(diào)查工作證實(shí)，該區(qū)域遇到的問(wèn)題很大，而且有多面性。所有村民遇到的共同問(wèn)題就是缺少基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施以及年輕人外流到城市?！艾F(xiàn)在只有留守兒童和老年人?！毙l(wèi)生條件差也是一個(gè)重要問(wèn)題。廢水和污水處理系統(tǒng)差或者不存在，因而環(huán)境狀況不樂(lè)觀。

“早些年，廢物直接處理，不用考慮什么?！彼f(shuō)。“30年前，這不是一個(gè)問(wèn)題，因?yàn)閺U物主要是有機(jī)物?！睂?lái)可能面臨的問(wèn)題是電力供應(yīng)和能源需求。在中國(guó)，冬天會(huì)比較寒冷；許多農(nóng)村住所的隔熱措施很差，窗戶通常是用紙糊的。黑煤用來(lái)取暖——在這類條件下，這不是充分的能源來(lái)源。

大量有價(jià)值的措施

這項(xiàng)研究讓張悅及其綜合性團(tuán)隊(duì)與當(dāng)局坐下來(lái)討論為順義區(qū)試點(diǎn)村開(kāi)發(fā)一項(xiàng)具體的重建方案。這是離北京市中心東北45km的300戶家庭約1000人口的小型社區(qū)。研究人員采訪村民，還調(diào)查基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施需求、建筑標(biāo)準(zhǔn)、公共空間的綠化、每戶家庭的能源使用、現(xiàn)有道路體系和詳細(xì)的人口數(shù)據(jù)。通過(guò)大量數(shù)據(jù)，創(chuàng)建了一個(gè)全面的數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)，因而可以

Te contrast between city and country is perhaps no more starkly presented than in China. Subsistence living conditions drive millions into the cities and farming land is converted to new uses. China, however, has realized the dangers of such continuing trends – which threaten societal make-up as well as future food security. A pilot urban planning strategy on Beijing's urban fringe demonstrates how much needs to be done to keep people in rural settings –and how much can be done.

In any context, when considering China, we are swamped by numbers – impressive, but increasingly matter-of-factual. Over the past 30 years the Chinese economy has grown, on average, by around ten percent per annum. In the same breath, one can call China both a developing country and an economic superpower.

A rural planning design for a suburban village on the outskirts of Beijing shows the power of combining heritage preservation, traditional knowledge, local materials, modern technology, and professional project management – and becomes all the more powerful when one considers the vast scale of China's rural sector.

One in ten global citizens is a Chinese farmer

Economic development is most pronounced in coastal regions, accounting for some 400 million of the country's population. However, rapidly improving life quality in such areas has generally passed China's other 900 million inhabitants by – those who live on, and off the land. Tis varies more markedly between regions, but particularly between city and country. A Chinese Academy of Social Sciences study confirms that China experiences the world's largest income divide between rural and city dwellers. Te contrast is especially stark when we stop to consider that one in ten global citizens is a Chinese farmer.

Mass migration – en masse!

Subsistence agriculture is still the norm in China – farming families provide for themselves and, at best, sell only a quarter of their yield. This equates to little disposable income, and few opportunities to invest in mechanization or other farm improvements. Somewhat different is the situation in the catchment areas of dense development centers – agriculture here was supported by the state. Yet, over the past 20 or so years, there has been a dramatic drop in rural real income with the result that people increasingly decided to leave the land for the cities on the coast.

There was work to be had – the building and services sectors especially – which in turn encouraged others to join the mass migration. Estimates suggest that between 1982 and 1990 around 200 million people from China's rural heartlands migrated to the cities. Te government expects that by 2010, another 180 million will have followed them.

8 節(jié)地農(nóng)宅設(shè)計(jì)/Land-saving housing design

Stemming the human tide

Those joining the rural exodus are aware they will have few rights in their new "homes", yet they feel compelled to still relocate to the cities. The Chinese Hukou system, as ancient as the land itself, deems residency is only valid in the place of one's family registration. Hence, migrants have limited rights to education or government services.

For years Chinese authorities have worked to improve the system but migration is unlikely to abate until the living conditions in rural areas improve. A program to develop long-neglected regions is progressing with this goal in mind – the government is committed to doubling the average income of a rural dweller by 2020; at present, this sits at around USD 600 per annum.

Dramatic loss of farming land

High priority is also accorded to land reform in China. Farming land is deemed the collective property of local municipalities – families lease acreage from their village committee for 30 years. However, the drift of peasants to the cities has resulted in many leases being relinquished – free plots become aggregated and sold for other uses. Moreover, they result in the dramatic loss of farming land – on which China's future food security depends.

Modeling undertaken by the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture states that the country needs around 120 million hectares of agriculturally-productive land in order to feed itself. Currently, 122 million hectares are still being worked but statistics indicating that a further loss of 200,000 hectares each year are alarming. Not least for the million or so farmers who eke out their existence on this limited space. An integrated solution is needed which addresses the range of incumbent causes and impacts.

Reforming land rights

A new initiative, introduced in 2006 as part of the current Chinese Five-Year-Plan, aims to achieve these twin objectives. Rural development is encouraged by improving infrastructure, education and training schemes, and other social services. A fur-ther measure, specifically targeting loss of arable land, is the partial liberalization of legislation regarding farm leases. In future, farmers who leave their land for the city will have the right to onlease directly to other farmers, or for alternate agricultural purposes. Tis aims to prevent the sale of common land for different uses – municipalities, still in theory the landholders, are committed to retaining land for cultivation at the disposal of any farmer who wishes to till the soil.

A busload of researchers

In China, each region and locality adapts state initiatives to their own conditions. In the area of Beijing itself, Government Officer NI Feng is responsible. In 2006, he invited architect and town planner, ZHANG Yue, to participate in studying the rural areas in the vicinity of the capital with a vision to how implementation of the initiative should occur. "I knew NI Feng from Tsinghua University in Beijing," ZHANG Yue explains, himself a lecturer at the leading university. ZHANG Yue was immediately attracted to the project – not least because of direct involvement with villagers, including door-to-door surveys. "I love research work," the energetic 35-year-old says. With his team, ZHANG Yue compiled an extensive questionnaire. "We took a bus to the villages and asked everyone about their needs."根據(jù)數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)在能想到的范圍內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)一些改進(jìn)方案。“我們想自己提一個(gè)問(wèn)題：在有限預(yù)算的前提下，我們?nèi)绾文芗冉鉀Q環(huán)境污染問(wèn)題，又能提高這里的生活質(zhì)量呢？”結(jié)果就是該團(tuán)隊(duì)研究出了大量有價(jià)值的措施。

9 住宅設(shè)計(jì)的環(huán)境因素/Contextual factors in housing design

10 農(nóng)展設(shè)計(jì)的能源策略/Eco-strategies in housing design

新的總平面圖劃分了土地用途，為建筑開(kāi)發(fā)設(shè)定了清晰的限制，注重保護(hù)自然環(huán)境，還包括了公共用途的區(qū)域。整個(gè)交通網(wǎng)也包含其中——該方案要求道路網(wǎng)能確保以后能到達(dá)任何公共建筑，例如診所或消防隊(duì)站點(diǎn)。基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的改進(jìn)包括公園、花園、防洪排水系統(tǒng)、每家每戶的分散式廢水和垃圾收集設(shè)施的建設(shè)。特別重要的一方面就是按照一定的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)更新農(nóng)宅建筑——在小面積地塊上蓋更多的房子。法律的目標(biāo)是實(shí)現(xiàn)宅基地占用農(nóng)用地每處不超過(guò)200m2，而不是300m2。

更好的家——更多的機(jī)會(huì)

為了更好利用少量土地，項(xiàng)目規(guī)劃了兩層房屋。這是改造方案的核心?！拔覀冮_(kāi)發(fā)了一個(gè)原型，以此證明在較小面積宅基地上建造房屋也可以很有吸引力?！苯ㄖ熣f(shuō)。重要的考慮因素就是可負(fù)擔(dān)性?！拔覀兊难芯勘砻?，12,500美元是人們?cè)敢庵Ц兜臉O限；他們將需要政府補(bǔ)貼?！痹谥袊?guó)，建造一幢具有可持續(xù)性的房屋的合理標(biāo)準(zhǔn)為2500美元。

張悅的團(tuán)隊(duì)設(shè)計(jì)了一種確保家庭有機(jī)會(huì)進(jìn)行個(gè)人選擇的房屋。它考慮了傳統(tǒng)知識(shí)和設(shè)計(jì)模式，結(jié)合了當(dāng)?shù)刭Y源和現(xiàn)代技術(shù)。遺產(chǎn)保護(hù)也予以考慮?！霸O(shè)計(jì)中的可持續(xù)性原則包括太陽(yáng)能、分散式廁所蹲坑、外部隔熱、雨水收集等主動(dòng)和被動(dòng)使用。”最后，就和平時(shí)一樣，最重要的難題就是成本；團(tuán)隊(duì)致力于盡可能將房屋成本控制在農(nóng)民能承受的范圍內(nèi)。

省地的房屋設(shè)計(jì)考慮了變化的家庭需求，如果有計(jì)劃下一代的話，房屋設(shè)計(jì)還可以分成兩個(gè)單元。

接下來(lái)會(huì)發(fā)生什么——從城市逃離到鄉(xiāng)村？

但張悅設(shè)計(jì)的原型不僅僅只關(guān)于成本。新的建筑設(shè)計(jì)還可以帶來(lái)機(jī)會(huì)。最近幾十年，中國(guó)城鎮(zhèn)化進(jìn)展迅速，因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在人們渴望呼吸鄉(xiāng)村的新鮮空氣，也有想到不那么擁擠的地方簡(jiǎn)單地度假的需求。

“考慮到鄉(xiāng)村旅游的可能性，我們?cè)O(shè)計(jì)房子時(shí)，可以將上面一層裝修為客房。”他說(shuō)。另外，還可以設(shè)置一個(gè)小型手工工作室作為收入來(lái)源。

新的建筑法也給我們提供了另一個(gè)視角。在北京，建造一個(gè)大規(guī)模的住宅事實(shí)上不太可能。張悅認(rèn)為，在鄉(xiāng)村建造一個(gè)較大的房子對(duì)城市居民來(lái)說(shuō)是一個(gè)很有吸引力的選擇?！暗挥形覀兲峁﹥?yōu)質(zhì)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，這個(gè)想法才能實(shí)現(xiàn)?！苯ㄖ煆垚傄灿龅搅藦倪@個(gè)理念中發(fā)現(xiàn)潛在商機(jī)的投資者。曾為2008年的原型由當(dāng)?shù)毓そ辰ㄔ?，現(xiàn)在住了一戶家庭，其本身也有利于該地區(qū)的就業(yè)。

“謹(jǐn)慎處理”

項(xiàng)目中涉及的措施很多，也許有人會(huì)問(wèn)：不能簡(jiǎn)單地拆除舊的設(shè)施，重新建造新的？“不可能——這不是解決方案！”張悅強(qiáng)調(diào)?！拔覀儧](méi)有意愿摧毀這個(gè)鄉(xiāng)村的特征?！币蚨?xiàng)目是以循序漸進(jìn)的、友好的方式實(shí)施的。改造項(xiàng)目首先是以廢棄場(chǎng)所為重點(diǎn)；一個(gè)家庭由另一個(gè)家庭替代。逐步地，村里的一個(gè)球場(chǎng)被改造，但是以一種簡(jiǎn)潔的方式。重點(diǎn)是保持社會(huì)凝聚力不受影響。

“誰(shuí)還想住在原來(lái)老房子的，是可以的。”這就是承諾。沒(méi)有人被迫接受革新。“但是我相信——我們的理念提供了這么多優(yōu)勢(shì)，大部分人不會(huì)拒絕改變。”為了發(fā)展新的道路系統(tǒng)，有些房屋需要被拆除——雖然在這種情況下張悅還是向村民承諾：“如果不想搬的，我們簡(jiǎn)單地規(guī)劃其他路徑！”那天最后，目的就是讓村民在為了提高生活質(zhì)量——就單獨(dú)為這個(gè)原因，讓各住戶自己決定自己的將來(lái)非常重要。

即有可能成為典范的理念

因?yàn)榇迩f的社會(huì)發(fā)展是規(guī)劃結(jié)構(gòu)工作的一部分，反過(guò)來(lái)，該社區(qū)包含在有關(guān)重建方案的所有決策中。工作開(kāi)展是透明的，反饋意見(jiàn)也會(huì)得以考慮。村民定期獲得關(guān)于計(jì)劃的信息，并被鼓勵(lì)在小組討論中發(fā)表他們自己的看法?！拔覀兘?jīng)常提出要解決的問(wèn)題——例如，許多老年人在閱讀和理解計(jì)劃上存在困難，”張悅說(shuō)?！拔覀儽仨殞ふ倚碌臏贤ǚ绞?。”

然而，政府保證的物質(zhì)支持只持續(xù)到2010年，該項(xiàng)目的將來(lái)具有不確定性。但張悅有信心，認(rèn)為各項(xiàng)工作在這之后將繼續(xù)下去——中國(guó)致力于農(nóng)村的發(fā)展。該項(xiàng)目的理念很有可能成為全球經(jīng)歷快速變革的鄉(xiāng)村和城區(qū)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展的典范。張悅相信：“我們需要保留我們?nèi)該碛械臇|西?！?/p>

Confident response to field work

Intense preparation prefaced the arrival of the researchers. Villages chosen for the study were of varying size and distance from the city. Families were visited by three-person teams to enquire about their eco-nomic and social conditions – their needs as well as expectations. More than a thousand interviews across five villages took place. Te communities were very open, also with personal information such as household income. "Our university has a good reputation," ZHANG Yue says, explaining the confi-dence with which the researchers were received. "With an understanding of the project and the enthusiasm of the researches – the villagers became less inhibited about providing concrete data."

The field work confirmed that problems confronting the region were substantial and multidimensional. Common to all villages was their insufficient infrastructure, and the loss of young people to the cities, ZHANG Yue explains. "Now only children and the elderly remain." Adequate sanitation is a central problem. With poor or nonexistent wastewater and sewage treatment systems, the environmental situation is troubling.

"Earlier, waste was simply disposed without thought," he says. "Thirty years ago this was not a problem, because waste was mainly organic." A further challenge is presented by power supply and energy needs. Winters can be bitter in China; many rural dwellings are poorly insulated and windows often sealed only with paper. Black coal is used for heating –an inefficient energy source in such conditions.

A treasure trove of measures

The research enabled ZHANG Yue and his multidisciplinary team to sit with local authorities and develop a concrete renewal strategy for a pilot village in the Shunyi district. This small community of some 1000 inhabitants across 300 families lies 45 kilo-meters northeast of Beijing's city centre. Te schedule of village interviews was supplemented by research into infrastructure needs, building standards, greening of public spaces, energy use per house, existing road systems and detailed demographic data. From this mass of information, a comprehensive database was created from which improvements could be planned on all conceivable levels. "We put a question to ourselves: How can we improve life quality here while addressing environmental pollution, all on a limited budget?" ZHANG Yue enthuses. A treasure trove of measures was the result.

The new master plan classifies land use, sets clear limits to building development, protects natural resources, and includes zones for public use. The entire transport network is implicated – the strategy calls for a network of roads to ensure that in future any public building is accessible, whether it be an outpatient clinic or the fire-brigade depot. Infrastructure improvements include the development of parks and gardens, drainage systems to protect against flooding, and decentralized sewage and garbage collection for each household. A particularly important aspect is the revised building code – more houses are planned on less land. Instead of 300 square meter allotments, the law aims for 200.

Better homes – more opportunities

To make better use of less land, two-storey houses are planned. These are at the heart of the renewal strategy. "We developed a prototype to demonstrate that building on smaller allotments could also be attractive", the architect says. An important consideration was also affordability. "Our research showed that USD 12,500 is the limit people would like to pay; government subsidies will be needed." In China a sustainable house can be constructed to a reasonable standard for USD 25,000.

ZHANG Yue's team designed a home which still ensures families have opportunities for personal choice. It takes account of traditional knowledge and design patterns, combines local materials and modern technologies. Heritage preservation is taken into account. "The sustainability principles in the design include active and passive use of solar energy, decentralized sanitation pits, exterior insulation, rainwater collection, and so on. It is integrated, yet has an optional menu for families to also choose what suits them best." At the end, as ever, the crucial challenge is one of cost; the team was committed to making the house as afford-able as possible.

The land-saving housing design takes account of changing family needs, and can even be divided into two units, if a new generation is planned.

What next – a city to country exodus?

Yet ZHANG Yue's prototype is not just about cost. There are also opportunities to be had with this new building design. China's urbanization has grown so remarkably in recent decades that there is now a yearning for country air, a demand, therefore, for brief holidays to less densely-packed regions.

"With rural tourism a possibility, we designed the house in such a way that the upper floor could be furnished as guest rooms." he says. Alternatively, a small handi-craft studio could be set up as a source of income.

Another perspective is that offered by the new building code. In Beijing, building a sizeable home is virtually impossible. ZHANG Yue believes that relocating to a village could be an appealing option for urban residents who want larger homes. "But this will only happen if we can offer good infrastructure." Te architect has already met with investors who see the commercial potential in his concept. What was once the prototype of 2008 now houses a family, built by local artisans which, in itself, pro-vides for security of employment in the area.

"Handle with care"

The measures involved in the project are so numerous that one could ask: Wouldn't it be simpler to demolish the old and start over afresh? "Impossible – that is no solution!" ZHANG Yue is emphatic. "We have no desire to destroy the character of this village." As a result, implementation is gradual, stepby-sympathetic-step. The renewal project is first concentrated on abandoned locations; one household is replaced by another. Gradually a village quarter is revitalized, but in a more compact way. Te emphasis is on keeping social cohesion intact.

"Whoever wishes to remain in their old house, may," is the promise. Nobody is forced to accept innovation. "But I am convinced – our concept offers so many advantages that most people do not resist change." To develop the new road system, some houses would need to be demolished –nevertheless in these cases ZHANG Yue is also open to compromise: "If people do not wish to move, we will simply plan the road differently!" At the end of the day, the purpose is to keep villagers in their community, and with improved life quality – for this reason alone, it is important for individual householders to decide their own future.

Concept with high potential to be role model

Because the village's social development is integral to the planned structural works, and vice-versa, the community is included in all decision-making regarding the renewal strategy. Transparency is a given, feedback taken into account. Villagers are regularly informed about plans and encouraged to offer their opinions in group discussions. "We are always presented with issues to solve – for example, many older people have difficulty reading or understanding the plans," ZHANG Yue says. "We must find new ways of communication." A new prototype is planned in order to refine the housing concept.

However with provisional government support assured only until 2010, the project's future is uncertain. ZHANG Yue is confident, though, that things will proceed beyond this date – China is committed to the development of its rural areas. And the concept has high potential to be a role model for sustainable development in rural communities and urban districts experiencing rapid change in emerging economies across the world. "We need to preserve what we still have," ZHANG Yue believes.